fbpx

Seattle Deserves a Better Comp Plan

Seattle is in the process of updating its Comprehensive Plan, its 20-year roadmap for growth. Chief among the policies it charts is, of course, housing. Seattle’s chronic shortage of homes and the harm that has done to lower-income residents and communities is no secret to anyone.

Unfortunately, the draft plan falls far short of what’s necessary to create a Seattle that welcomes households of all incomes. In short, it doesn’t make enough room for more homes. 

If adopted as proposed, more and more people will continue to be priced out of the city for decades to come. And the city will also fall further behind on goals to reduce climate pollution and sprawl.

The critical fix is straightforward: loosen zoning rules to allow more homes of all shapes and sizes. And Seattle can improve its draft Comprehensive Plan to make that happen in three key ways. (I cover them briefly in the numbered sections below, then expand on each in the rest of the article.)

1. Let middle housing with more homes be bigger

Allowing middle housing—small-scale homes like fourplexes—in places once reserved for detached houses is an imperative for creating more homes that more people can afford in lower-density neighborhoods.

The good news is that the 2023’s Washington state bill HB 1110 requires Seattle to legalize middle housing in areas currently reserved for single-detached houses. Three-quarters of Seattle’s residential land will be opened up to more housing, creating the potential for tens of thousands of new homes.

The bad news is that just allowing more homes per lot doesn’t by itself guarantee anything will get built. That’s because middle housing construction is usually not financially feasible unless zoning rules allow the buildings to add indoor space as their unit count goes up. Seattle’s proposed Comprehensive Plan (Comp Plan, for short) doesn’t do that, and instead would impose the same cap on buildable capacity as what currently applies to single-detached houses with accessory dwellings. This limitation would not only suppress the construction of middle housing but would also prevent any feasible projects from having family-sized homes.

The solution is to emulate Spokane’s best-in-the-US middle housing zoning, which grants generous development capacity and flexibility. Or, at minimum, implement the middle housing capacity recommendations of Washington’s Department of Commerce, which stipulate workable increases in capacity. More below.

2. Allow larger apartment buildings in more of the city

Apartment buildings five stories and up, near job centers, transit hubs, mixed-used nodes, schools, and parks, are essential for providing the level of density that both reduces cost and adds homes at the scale needed to address Seattle’s shortage. Large multifamily buildings in compact, walkable, low-carbon neighborhoods also yield the biggest dividends on reducing climate pollution and sprawl.

Seattle’s draft Comp Plan proposes only a modest amount of upzoning for apartment buildings. It recommends four- to six-story buildings in 24 newly designated “neighborhood centers” confined to just an 800-foot radius, and eight stories in a new urban center at the 130th Street light rail station. Otherwise, it proposes no apartment upzones anywhere else, excepting some slivers of land currently zoned for low density in designated centers, and possibly some 1/2-block strips along arterials.

Seattle’s plan could rise to the moment by allowing highrise towers in all regional centers and near all light rail stations, eight-story buildings in all urban centers, and six-story buildings near frequent transit stops and other community amenities like parks. It could also designate more and larger neighborhood centers with apartment zoning.

That may sound like a lot of change, but it’s still not European-caliber density, to say nothing of Asian standards. It’s not even as ambitious as what neighboring British Columbia adopted in November—and not just in the biggest city of Vancouver but provincewide. More below.

3. Legalize car-free homes everywhere

Requiring new housing to come with parking prioritizes storage for cars over homes for people. Parking reduces the amount of housing that can be built, while at the same time increasing its cost.

In 2012, Seattle eliminated parking mandates in its designated centers and reduced them near transit. But the city still requires off-street parking on the majority of residential lots, especially in areas that will be zoned for middle housing, which is particularly vulnerable to death by parking mandate.

There couldn’t be a simpler solution for avoiding the lose-lose outcome of more unneeded parking and less housing: Seattle can eliminate parking mandates citywide. This reform would not ban parking. Home builders could still include parking if they wanted to, and many no doubt would. Ending mandates only ensures that our laws no longer force the overbuilding of parking, and that translates to more new homes and less expensive new homes.

Already, Portland, Anchorage, Buffalo, Minneapolis, Austin, San Jose, Raleigh, Hartford, and 60 other North American cities have completely eliminated off-street parking requirements, freeing space for more homes. Seattle would do well to join this forward-thinking group of cities. More below.

Why Seattle leaders need to do (a lot) more with the Comp Plan 

In a housing crisis caused by a shortage of homes, policymakers should do everything they can to allow more homes. Before I detail the three key fixes named above, some words about why Seattle leaders need to be bolder in their housing vision for the city’s future.  

The draft plan’s target numbers are weak 

Seattle’s draft plan is based on a target of 100,000 new homes over the next 20 years. First, that’s only 20,000 more homes than status quo projections expected, even with no changes to existing zoning. Second, an average rate of 5,000 new homes per year is far lower than the housing growth that has actually occurred in recent years. For example, from 2013 to 2023, Seattle added an average of nearly 8,500 new homes per year. 

Zoned capacity ≠ built reality

Seattle planners estimate that current zoning has capacity for 168,000 more housing units, which may lead one to ask: why, then, does the city need to loosen zoning at all? The reason is that zoned capacity is a theoretical number that overstates reality. What I wrote in 2016 is even truer today:

Zoned capacity is not plentiful in Seattle. If it were, housing prices wouldn’t be going through the roof. The fact that housing prices are skyrocketing is the smoking gun of our severe shortage. If vacancy rates are low and rents and housing prices are rising, then a city needs to remove zoning-code barriers so that builders can construct more homes.  

Go big, so more people can go home 

There is no downside to erring on the side of too much upzoning that comes anywhere close to the catastrophic downsides of maintaining restrictive zoning that worsens Seattle’s housing shortage. Today, far too many Seattleites face crushing housing insecurity caused by the zoning status quo. The strongest predictor of homelessness rates is high rents and low vacancy rates—both of which are caused by a scarcity of homes.

Are Seattle’s leaders worried that they might let too much housing get built in a housing crisis? If not, then they should put their money where their mouth is and ensure that their next Comp Plan sets zoning policies to boost home building in every way possible.

Okay, back to the details for each of the three key improvements I named in the introduction.

Small apartment buildings like this one in Seattle’s Capitol Hill neighborhood were once allowed almost everywhere in the city. Photo by Dan Bertolet.

Get the details right for middle housing 

Zoning reforms in other parts of the US have demonstrated that even when middle housing is legalized, not much will be built unless the rules allow the buildings to be larger than single-detached houses. Developing middle housing on small lots tends to be a money-losing proposition unless zoning allows more development capacity for projects that incorporate more homes.

The earliest example is Minneapolis’ 2019 legalization of triplexes, where only a handful have been built because the zoning caps their size at the same as standalone houses. Analysis of Portland’s middle housing zoning showed that its incremental increases in capacity for more homes was still not enough to make construction feasible in most cases.

Washington’s Department of Commerce took this into account when developing its middle housing model code (see Sightline’s comments on the draft). It recommends granting an increasing amount of floor area ratio (FAR), starting at FAR 0.8 for duplexes and rising stepwise to FAR 1.6 for sixplexes. 

Increase the FAR, especially to allow family-sized middle homes

Seattle’s draft plan caps FAR at 0.9 for all middle housing, regardless of the number of units. That’s the same FAR currently allowed for a house and two accessory dwellings on a standard 5,000-square-foot lot. It’s a formula for an anemic pace of middle housing construction.

It’s also a formula for essentially banning middle housing with family-sized homes. On a 5,000-square-foot house lot, FAR 0.9 means 1,125-square-foot units (on average) in a fourplex, or 750 square feet in a sixplex. If they are typical townhouses, the staircases eat up a large fraction of that already limited living space. For comparison, under the Commerce model code, a sixplex’s units could be 1,333 square feet, enough for a three-bedroom apartment.

Seattle’s draft Comp Plan proposes to cap FAR at 0.9 for all middle housing, which forces smaller homes as the unit count goes up and compromises the financial feasibility of construction. Image by CAST Architecture, used with permission.

Go beyond FAR, like Spokane 

But Seattle’s plan can aim even higher. Spokane set the bar for North America with the citywide middle housing zoning it adopted in late 2023. It limits building size not by FAR, but by lot coverage, setbacks, and height. It has no limit at all on the number of units on a lot. Its most restrictive tier would allow a four-story building with a FAR of just under 2.0. A typical 5,000-square-foot house lot could accommodate an eightplex with two approximately 1,200-square-foot apartments per floor, in a building covering half of the lot.

Enabled by Spokane’s new zoning, the “Spokane Six” (see image above) currently in development demonstrates a sixplex prototype that Seattle’s next-generation zoning should be tailored to allow. It would be impossible under Seattle’s paltry proposed limit of FAR 0.9.

The “Spokane Six,” a sixplex currently in development, enabled by Spokane’s best-in-nation middle housing rezone. Image by CAST Architecture, used with permission.

Boost stacked flats > townhouses, especially for accessibility 

Townhouses—attached homes divided vertically from each other and sold separately with the land underneath them (“fee simple”)—are by far the most common type of middle housing built in Seattle today, and that will continue to be true under compliance with HB 1110 and under the city’s draft Comp Plan (see the city’s illustrations).

Townhouses work well for many households and provide an entry into ownership at a lower cost than detached houses. However, one major drawback is they are inaccessible to people who can’t use stairs. In contrast, stacked flats like the Spokane Six can provide accessible, single-level homes on the first floor, and on higher floors, too, if there’s an elevator.

In fact, federal law mandates that in multifamily buildings with four or more units, every ground-floor home must be wheelchair-accessible—good for people with disabilities and for the US’s booming aging population, for whom aging-ready homes are drastically undersupplied to meet future demand.

If Seattle hopes to see much stacked-flat middle housing construction, it will need to give it a leg up to overcome the inherent economics that favor townhouse development. Two good ways to do that:

  1. Grant more FAR for stacked flats than for townhouses. The FAR of 1.6 recommended by Commerce would be sufficient.  
  2. Allow at least six units per lot for any stacked-flat development. Or better yet, remove the unit cap altogether, as Spokane did. 

Avoid the poison pill of affordability requirements 

Seattle’s brand of inclusionary zoning (IZ), called “mandatory housing affordability” (MHA), applies to middle housing where it is currently allowed, requiring builders to include below-market-rate homes or pay a “fee in lieu” into the city’s affordable housing fund. The draft plan is mute on MHA, though it’s safe to assume that it will be considered when rezones are implemented.

In 2017, Sightline’s analysis projected that MHA would be particularly harmful to middle housing production. Since then, studies of permit data (see graph below) and avoidance support that conclusion.

Seattle permits for townhouse construction dropped after April 2019, when the city adopted its MHA program that requires affordable units or payment of an in-lieu fee. Interest rates rose in 2023, long after the decline in production began. Sources: City of Seattle data and American Enterprise Institute, used with permission.

It is generally accepted that affordability requirements are a bigger financial hurdle for small-scale home builders, and IZ programs in other cities commonly exempt small projects, say, with 10 units or fewer. The architects of Washington’s middle housing bill, HB 1110, recognized this limitation and did not mandate affordability but instead granted the option to add more homes if a portion were set aside as affordable. The Pacific Northwest’s leaders on middle housing reform, Portland and Spokane, do not require IZ for middle housing.

Best available evidence indicates that imposing MHA with Seattle’s future middle housing upzones would undermine the intent of the upzoning in the first place. It would suppress middle housing construction, depriving residents of less expensive housing choices and prolonging the city’s dire housing shortage that harms those with the least, the most. Seattle policymakers can maximize all the benefits of middle housing with one simple move: don’t impose MHA on it.

A six-story apartment building in Seattle’s Queen Anne neighborhood. Photo by Dan Bertolet.

Create apartment building abundance  

Over recent decades, the vast majority of Seattle’s new housing has come in the form of apartment buildings, four stories and up. Seattle’s past planners deserve credit for creating the multifamily zoning that largely enabled the city’s population to grow from 563,000 to 779,000 between 2000 and 2023, a gain of 38 percent—while the population in Seattle’s single-family areas largely stagnated or even declined. 

Allow apartments in more places 

The catch is that Seattle’s apartment zoning is confined to a small fraction (about 13 percent) of its residential land, located almost entirely in designated urban centers and villages and along arterial streets. Seattle’s booming growth and robust job creation has rendered that 30-year-old strategy of confinement insufficient for meeting the city’s housing needs. Furthermore, the city’s own study concluded this “urban village” strategy has exacerbated racial segregation and inequity.

Draft Seattle Comprehensive Plan future land use map and legend showing locations of newly designated neighborhood centers (faded light blue) and other types of centers. Source: City of Seattle.

Seattle’s plan can expand opportunities for apartments and condos in multiple contexts and scales by allowing (see map above for reference):

  • Highrise towers throughout all regional centers and within a quarter-mile of all light rail stations outside regional centers, 
  • Eight stories throughout all urban centers, and 
  • Six stories within a quarter-mile of all frequent transit stops, schools, parks, libraries, and community centers. 

Add more “neighborhood centers,” and enlarge them 

The city can further expand apartment choices by designating more neighborhood centers and making them larger. The draft plan states that in these centers, “residential and mixed-use buildings of four to six stories would be appropriate.”

These two changes would be especially beneficial for creating opportunities for apartments located away from dangerous, polluted, and noisy arterial roads, where current apartment zoning is concentrated. Plentiful apartment zoning also supports the development of subsidized affordable housing, because its most common form is midrise apartment buildings.

An earlier proposal identified some 48 potential  neighborhood centers, but only 24 made their way into the draft plan officially released last month after Mayor Bruce Harrell’s office scaled back changes (compare this map from the earlier draft with the one shown above). Also, the proposed size for neighborhood centers is only an 800-foot radius, which is just a few blocks. A quarter-mile radius would allow the critical mass for a functional center.

New highrise residential towers in Seattle’s South Lake Union neighborhood. Photo by Dan Bertolet.

Follow Portland’s example, in apartments and in funded affordability mandates 

Portland, Oregon, is poised to lead the US in allowing more apartments, the next logical step after that city’s 2020 legalization of middle housing citywide. An advocate-led effort proposes legalizing midrise apartment buildings throughout the city’s Inner Eastside neighborhoods.

Seattle policymakers can also look to Portland for a better way to do IZ—namely, one that doesn’t undermine its own intent by suppressing construction. Earlier this year, Portland modified its IZ program to ensure that the cost of providing the required affordable homes is fully offset by a property tax exemption and other fee reductions. That is, Portland fully funds its IZ. It’s a win-win-win: apartment construction continues apace, every new apartment building includes some homes for lower-income residents, and the new building’s property tax revenue pays for its new low-income units. 

Say goodbye, once and for all, to costly parking mandates  

Seattle’s draft Comp Plan does a good job of summarizing how requiring off-street parking is bad policy because it “increases the cost of construction; reduces the amount of space available for housing, open space, and trees; increases hardscape and stormwater runoff; and encourages vehicle ownership and use.”

The plan further explains that parking mandates are especially problematic for middle housing: “On small lots, driveways, maneuvering areas, and parking stalls can take up a substantial portion of the site and dictate the layout of everything else on the site.” See the city diagram below for an example of how much space parking eats up on a standard lot.

City of Seattle diagram of potential middle housing with four units per lot, illustrating the large portion of the site taken up by pavement for four parking spaces. Source: City of Seattle.

Sightline has documented in detail how parking mandates are a death knell for middle housing, concluding that “to unlock the full potential of small-scale homes, there is no policy debate: parking minimums have to go.”

Meanwhile, the only benefits of off-street mandates offered by Seattle’s draft plan are that they can “reduce competition for parking on the street” and “support goals like providing space for electric vehicle charging.”

The plan’s assessment is both clear and accurate: the benefits of ending mandates vastly outweigh the benefits of keeping them. Yet the plan takes no position, stating only that the city is “considering whether to remove parking requirements in remaining areas where they are present today.”

Seattle’s current rules for parking flexibility apply within a quarter-mile of frequent transit stops. For residential parcels that are also located inside designated urban centers or villages, no parking is required. Otherwise, parcels with quarter-mile transit proximity get a 50 percent reduction from the city’s standard parking mandates.

This map shows all the land eligible for parking flexibility, but it doesn’t differentiate between areas with full elimination versus 50 percent. Urban centers and villages cover a small fraction of Seattle’s residential land, so a large portion of the dark areas in the map still require some parking. Even a mandate of one space for every two homes can be a deal breaker for middle housing.

Requiring one parking space per home for a fourplex can reduce the density by one half. From Missing Middle Housing by Daniel Parolek, Chapter 5 Missing Middle Housing Types, pages 130-131. Copyright © 2020 Daniel Parolek. Reproduced by permission of Island Press, Washington, D.C.

Complete HB 1110’s unfinished business on parking flexibility  

Ideally, HB 1110 would have prohibited local parking minimums for middle housing, but it almost certainly would not have passed the legislature with that additional, politically controversial pre-emption.

If Seattle policymakers retain parking mandates, they are choosing to prioritize reducing competition for street parking over creating homes for people—in a housing crisis.


Tweet This

The bill did, however, include a provision to make it easier for cities to remove their mandates. It exempts from state environmental review any actions local governments take to reduce parking requirements. Seattle, the biggest, most urban city in Washington, can complete the unfinished business of HB 1110 on parking and set an example for the entire state. Washington’s current leaders on parking reform are Spokane, which nixed requirements on nearly all of its residential land, and Port Townsend, which ended all mandates but with an ordinance that’s only temporary.

Of course, many builders will opt to include parking with middle housing even if it’s not required by law. But if it is required by law, many middle housing projects will become more expensive or will never get built at all.

If Seattle policymakers retain parking mandates, they are choosing to prioritize reducing competition for street parking over creating homes for people—in a housing crisis. Correcting that priority is easy: just use the delete key on Seattle’s remaining off-street parking mandates, joining the wave of hundreds of other American cities making similar reforms. 

Seattle cannot afford to miss this opportunity 

Seattle updates its Comprehensive Plan only once every eight to ten years, and the new housing it shapes will be around for 50 to 100 years. The housing security of thousands—tens of thousands—of current and future residents depends on the city embracing a plan to allow enough new homes, in all shapes and sizes, over the coming decades. Seattle’s crisis of spiralling rents and prices, caused by a shortage of homes, calls for policymakers to take every action possible to undo that shortage.

Sadly, the city’s current draft plan does not do this. It proposes some positive steps, but overall, it fails to move much beyond the status quo that created Seattle’s housing problems in the first place. An earlier, unpublished version of the draft plan put forward by the planning department did propose more aggressive changes to allow more housing, but Mayor Harrell’s office scaled it back before it was officially released.

Seattle’s plan can meet the moment with three key improvements:

  1. Get the zoning details right for middle housing to ensure that its feasible to build and can provide family-size and accessible homes
  2. Boost allowances for bigger apartment buildings throughout the city to create more homes more people can afford in places with access to opportunity and transportation options
  3. Eliminate requirements for off-street parking citywide to end the wasteful, costly overbuilding of parking and to make housing less expensive and more abundant

With these reforms and the abundant housing they help create, Seattleites for decades to come will benefit from greater affordability and environmental sustainability.

Aging Solutions Are Climate Solutions

When climate disasters like wildfires, flooding, heat waves, or polar vortexes grip communities, they hold a sharper threat for older adults, whose numbers in the US and Canada are growing. And even beyond these more headline-grabbing events are the everyday activities that may prove more challenging for older adults to perform independently in a warmer world. In Cascadia, that might look like being able to afford air conditioning to keep cool as the summers get hotter. Or so one can close the windows against wildfire smoke to keep indoor air safer for breathing, especially for those with respiratory ailments. 

Housing expert and community resilience advocate Danielle Arigoni argues in her new book that adapting our communities to better serve the needs of older adults—generally defined as those 65 and older—in fact makes our communities safer, more livable, and more climate-resilient for everyone. Climate Resilience for an Aging Nation draws on her long experience in urban planning and community development to offer a new process and framework for how towns and cities can approach both disaster recovery as well as everyday decisions about how they’ll build and change. 

Sightline interviewed Danielle about her findings. Her book is available from publisher Island Press and other places books are sold. 

You’ve been thinking about and working on these issues for decades. What prompted you to start writing this book? 

When you think about the fact that Katrina was nearly 20 years ago—when 70 percent of the people who died were over 65—and that the rate of fatalities for older adults is virtually unchanged since that time, it’s pretty sobering. And maddening.


I was compelled to dive into this topic after seeing some statistics that showed older adults dying at much higher rates than the rest of the population in a slew of disasters: Hurricanes Katrina, Florence, Maria, Ian, and Ida. But also in Winter Storm Uri, the California Camp Fire, and then again in the Pacific Northwest heat waves of 2021 and 2022. In all these cases (and more), older adults represented upwards of 50 percent, two-thirds, or even 85 percent of the people who died. When you think about the fact that Katrina was nearly 20 years ago—when 70 percent of the people who died were over 65—and that the rate of fatalities for older adults is virtually unchanged since that time, it’s pretty sobering. And maddening. 

I have to credit AARP for really helping me to understand the impacts of our built environment on older adults, which invariably fuels the disaster rates we see here. I am an urban planner and have worked at the intersection of housing, transportation, and infrastructure for 20-plus years—always with an eye to ensuring that it could be improved to deliver better environmental and social outcomes—but I confess that I had some blind spots about the needs of older adults and people with disabilities. My five-year tenure as Director of Livable Communities at AARP really opened my eyes and helped me recognize the connections between the climate resilience work I had done previously at EPA and HUD, and the opportunities to better align that work with the needs of older adults.  

I realized that there was virtually no information out there that connected the dots between two massive trends: climate change and our rapidly aging population. My hope was that I could start to create a common understanding of those connections in ways that would compel work in both the aging and climate fields. That is the gap that I hoped to fill with this book. 

How do climate impacts especially affect older people in our communities? 

Climate impacts older adults in so many ways, some of which are unique to them, but many of which are shared with people with disabilities, low-income people, and disinvested communities.  

For example, extreme heat impacts everyone, but for older adults it is especially deadly. 2023 was the hottest year on record on Earth so far, which of course affects everyone—but not equally. Extreme heat is now the leading cause of weather-related deaths in the US, killing more than all other weather-related causes combined. Heat-related illnesses lead to 12,000 deaths each year, and 80 percent of the people who die are over 60. We saw this in stark relief in the Pacific Northwest heat waves of 2021, when 1,000 people died. In Multnomah County, where the largest number of people died, the average age was 67. 

That’s because older bodies don’t process excess heat the same way as younger bodies. Fatigue and weakness from heat exhaustion can be missed because they mimic other conditions, thereby going untreated. Already, 80 percent of older adults live with two or more chronic conditions, meaning that those ailments (or their corresponding medications) can mask the symptoms of heat exhaustion.  

Extreme heat also poses a risk because nearly 30 percent of older adults live alone in the community—in homes or apartments, by themselves, without spouses or family or in-home care. We know from research that Eric Klinenberg did following Chicago’s 1995 heat wave that isolation and lack of social connectedness translates into additional risk during disasters, like heat waves. For older adults who live alone and are isolated, that may mean that that they don’t have someone to observe those telltale symptoms of heat exhaustion or to check on them to ensure that their homes are sufficiently cool, or that their basic needs are met. 

I think about last summer in Phoenix, when the city endured a 31-day stretch of 110-degree or higher heat. For low-income people and for older adults, that means potentially unaffordable utility bills to keep their homes cool—or decisions to endure the heat to save money. For nondrivers and/or people with disabilities, including the 20 percent of older adults who don’t drive, that means having to navigate extreme temperatures to reach and wait at transit stops to get where they need to go. 

And naturally, these heat effects are more acute in areas that have been disinvested over time, where there are fewer parks, street trees, and green features that would lower temperatures and combat the urban heat-island effect. Those tend to be communities that are home to people of color and low-income households, fueled by the implementation of racist land use policies over time.  

All of this is precisely why I make the case that solving for the needs of older adults also solves for the needs of whole communities, because centering climate resilience in their needs can point the way to solutions that benefit all. 

What are some aging-friendly solutions you’ve seen that also benefit these other vulnerable communities? 

A lot of the solutions that mitigate risk for older adults also benefit communities as a whole and deliver particular benefits for low-income people and people with disabilities.  

For example, providing support for those who wish to weatherize their home—to reduce energy costs, improve indoor air quality, or make it more climate-resilient—through repairs and upgrades, like insulation or floodproofing. Doing so not only benefits the current resident but also contributes to a more resilient housing stock that will benefit future residents, too.  

But it shouldn’t stop there. Committing to a more resilient housing stock also means adopting zoning reform that encourages more dense, attached, and smaller homes in existing neighborhoods to reduce energy consumption, conserve open space, diversify housing options, and create more socially connected communities. When you layer in improved building performance standards, like the FORTIFIED building standards or fire-resistant building materials, then you’re really starting to create a more climate-resilient housing stock that serves current and future generations. 

Relatedly, investing in transit and bikeable/walkable/rollable communities remains one of the most climate-friendly, age-friendly solutions that we can undertake. It is more important than ever to ensure that older adults (and others) have safe, reliable, affordable, and accessible ways to get around and reach needed services without a car, whether that is groceries on a normal day, or a resilience hub in a time of crisis. That means both designing a thoughtful system but also ensuring that transit stops are shaded, provide seating, and include safe and protected access for all users. Some of the more innovative approaches I’ve seen also repurpose buses as mobile cooling or warming centers during times of crisis. Those will be more readily used by older adults if they are already familiar with using the system on a regular basis. 

Where should communities start when they want to take on some of these challenges locally? 

I would suggest starting with an examination of where older adults live in the community, and endeavoring to understand what their needs are. There is often a presumption that most older adults live in nursing homes or assisted facilities. That is only true for 2.5 percent of older adults nationwide. The vast majority live in the community, and often alone.  

If your community has already committed to becoming “age-friendly” by joining the WHO Age-Friendly Cities program or the AARP Network of Age-Friendly States and Communities, that means that there is already some infrastructure in place to identify older adults and their needs. Typically, those efforts pull together a broad array of stakeholders to consider older adults’ needs related to housing, transportation, public space, communication and the like. It’s still uncommon for age-friendly planning efforts to actively consider climate adaptation or resilience, but they represent an ideal platform to do so. 

At the most basic level, start by asking the question in every public investment or policy: does this increase or mitigate the risk of climate change impacts for older adults? 

What’s one lesson you learned from some of the older adults you interviewed for the book that you think other readers might appreciate? 

At the most basic level, start by asking the question in every public investment or policy: does this increase or mitigate the risk of climate change impacts for older adults?


Tweet This

I learned that, while there is absolutely a role for emergency preparedness at an individual level, it often isn’t sufficient. That can be the case for a lot of reasons. Older adults on fixed incomes don’t have enough money to sufficiently stockpile food or medications or relocate to a hotel to get out of harm’s way, assuming they can pick up and drive themselves. Older adults who live alone and rely upon outside support—such as Meals on Wheels deliveries for food, or home-based care providers—have little recourse when those systems are disrupted, either because of transportation failures (like flooded roads or transit interruptions) or because the volunteer or caregiver is facing a crisis themselves. People who are caretaking for a spouse with dementia, for example, or an aging parent who requires in-home medical equipment, have very complex preparedness considerations.  

Increasingly, extended power outages be deadly for older adults. In New Orleans, eight deaths were reported following Hurricane Ida in 2021 because older adults living in upper-story apartments were trapped when their building lost power for weeks, rendering the elevators unusable. For me, that really underscores the importance of both tailored, thoughtful preparation as well as a real commitment to achieving community-scale resilience. 

What makes you optimistic for an aging- and climate-friendlier future? 

I am hopeful because people feel more compelled to act when they see things as being in their own best interest. Aging is something that happens to all of us; in fact, by 2034, we’ll have more people over 65 than under 18 for the first time ever. If we are each lucky enough to become older, it’s certain that we will want to live in a community that considers our needs in the face of our climate future. We’re not on a path to creating such communities at the moment, but if we each think about what the outlook is for our own grandparents, parents, and selves, perhaps that will catalyze the kind of action that is needed to truly create more resilient places for all. 

Boise’s New Zoning Code Sparks Surge in Permits for ADUs

Removing regulatory barriers to building small homes drives new construction, but it can take years to see the full impact. For example, after Seattle adopted a new zoning code removing regulatory barriers to accessory dwelling units, ADU production doubled in year two, tripled in year three, and quadrupled the original baseline in years four and five. Yet Seattle’s success with ADU reform since 2019 may be outpaced by another city in Cascadia that has just unleashed a surge of permits for relatively inexpensive infill housing. 

In the three-and-a-half months since its own new zoning code took effect on December 1, 2023, the City of Boise had 27 people per month apply for permits to build accessory dwelling units (ADUs) on their property—also known as backyard cottages, granny flats, or in-law apartments. That compares to a permit rate of just over 3 per month in the 12 months before the new code took effect. The rate of permit applications for ADUs under the new code is nearly nine times the rate of approvals in the year before the new code took effect. 

For comparison’s sake, Boise’s 95 ADU permit applications since December put it on track to exceed Seattle’s ADU production in 2019, even though Boise has barely a third of Seattle’s population. 

Some pent-up ADU projects may have waited for the new code to submit their permits, so it is still too early to estimate the full scale of the effects of the zoning changes. A year or two of permit data will allow meaningful comparisons in the actual construction of ADUs before and after the change in Boise’s zoning code. But whatever the final magnitude of the increase, the recent jump in permit applications shows that the new zoning code made production of these small infill homes much more attractive for homeowners. 

Byron Folwell is a Boise architect whose practice includes providing owners feasibility assessments for building ADUs on their lots. After meeting with over a hundred owners interested in adding them, Folwell believes three key changes in the new code spurred the increase in permit applications. 

The 3 changes that unlocked Boise’s ADUs 

1. Removing bans on renters

Boise’s prior zoning code barred owners from renting out both the main house and the rental unit together. This rule prevented all existing landlords from adding a backyard cottage to an existing rental even though these owners had experience renting and managing rental housing. The rule also created risk for current owner-occupants who might need to leave their home for an extended period and need rental income to help cover the mortgage. 

2. Removing off-street parking requirements

a photo of a car on a parking pad between a home and a garage, alongside a high fence

The cottage behind the fence required discretionary approval from Boise’s planning director because of parking requirements. Under the new code, no special appeals on parking would be required for this project. Photo: Daniel Malarkey, used with permission.

Under the old code, a home had to have two off-street parking spaces, which made ADUs infeasible on many of the city’s smaller lots. Either there was no place to put the two parking spots, or creating them would add costs that made the project too expensive.  

In the picture below, one of Folwell’s clients had to get a special decision from the city planning director to build an ADU. While the lot had two parking spaces, one space was in front of the garage and therefore didn’t count under the old rules. No special pleading would be required for this project under the new code. 

3. Alignment among elected officials, planning and permitting staff, and most Boise citizens on a shared vision for infill development

The new zoning code was the result of a multi-year public process followed immediately by elections for the city council and mayor. The pro-housing forces won the day. With clear direction in the new code, planning staff are now empowered to process permits efficiently and make timely approvals. 

Boise had made an initial step towards easing the barriers to ADUs in 2019 but maintained parking and residency requirements that blocked many projects. This earlier, more timid effort to embrace granny flats helped prime the market. So when those barriers fell, a critical mass of owners, designers, and builders was ready to submit permits. 

Other “missing middle” housing policies slower to uptake 

The new zoning code also removed barriers to building plexes, multifamily, and mixed uses in neighborhoods—for example, small service businesses that get foot traffic can now operate legally out of their owner’s house. Boise’s planning department now has a range of viable missing middle project applications that would have been barred under the prior code.  

However, the new flexibility has not yet changed the unit count and dollar value of new residential project permits in the first quarter of 2024. Unlike with ADUs, there doesn’t yet seem to be a noticeable trend toward these bigger projects. Infill developers and their architects cite high construction costs, elevated interest rates, and unfamiliarity among builders and lenders with the newly allowed housing types as reasons for taking measured steps towards developing these options. 

With time, more homes of all shapes and sizes will be built in Boise. In the meantime, backyard cottages will stand in the vanguard. 

It’s (Past) Time for British Columbia to Legalize Roommates

In 2018, University of Victoria student Emma Edwards and her six roommates were evicted from their Saanich home. Their offense? Seven of them were living together under one roof, and the local government had a legal limit of four unrelated people per house. This house had seven bedrooms and plenty of space, but the law was the law. Saanich mayor Fred Haynes explained the move at the time, saying that “Neighborhoods are concerned about the impacts on the qualities of their lives.” 

So these seven young women had to scramble and find new accommodations in a municipality with a minuscule 1.6 percent rental vacancy rate, in the middle of the school semester. This was, according to the mayor, all in the name of safeguarding quality of life in Saanich. 

Since then, Saanich has increased the legal limit on roommates to six—progress, but too little too late for Ms. Edwards and her roommates. 

Their story illustrates the need for British Columbia to follow the examples of Washington and Oregon and remove roommate caps provincewide (those states did so in 2021). As Sightline Institute has written previously, roommate caps are “tools that privileged people use to exclude from their neighborhoods people without much money, such as immigrants and students.” 

In November 2022, on just his fourth day in office, BC premier David Eby removed rental restrictions in condominium buildings, opening up thousands of homes to renters. In the same spirit, British Columbia can remove roommate caps province-wide. This, too, could create or preserve homes for thousands by simply allowing the use of bedrooms currently sitting empty. And it would also put an end to the cruel, discriminatory practice of evicting people just because they want to share a big house with roommates to whom they aren’t legally related. The Province advanced housing policy in late 2023, permitting fourplexes Province-wide, and up to 20-storeys near transit, making it possible to build a lot more bedrooms. Simply allowing people to make full use of existing bedrooms, then, should be a no-brainer. 

Roommate caps discriminate against non-traditional households 

Why did cities restrict occupancy to related people in the first place? The historical reason was a core goal of zoning: enshrining the nuclear family in law. The Bartholomew Plan, Vancouver’s very first land use plan from nearly a century ago, states in its introduction, “The retention of Vancouver as a city of single family homes has always been close to the heart of those engaged in the preparation of this plan.” 

Banning diverse and unconventional households and setting aside vast swaths of land for conventionally defined nuclear families has long been a priority of North American land use policymakers. In 1976, in Gross Point, Michigan, for example, a rule against unrelated people living together was used to evict two gay men. 

It is hardly different in British Columbia today. As in Saanich, neighbors can wield the complaint-driven process to target for eviction people like students, economically sharing a house. Same goes for a group with any characteristic that you (or your nosiest neighbor) might find objectionable. This selective enforcement of roommate caps facilitates discrimination not just based on family status, but also on whatever quality (race, age, gender, sexual orientation, political belief) any concerned neighbor might personally dislike. 

Blame the landlords, evict the tenants 

Policymakers have offered a wide range of rationales to justify roommate caps: safety, traffic, noise, moral uprightness, neighborhood character, the prevention of crowding, and the protection of tenants from slumlords. (See this 2013 Sightline article for a thorough debunking.) 

Protecting vulnerable tenants from unscrupulous landlords who overcrowd their rentals may sound legitimate. But scratch the surface, and this stated concern often masks the customary gripes about parking or “neighborhood character.” 

Cities can protect vulnerable tenants by enforcing existing safety rules on landlords, rather than by evicting unrelated people or preventing them from sharing a home in the first place. More broadly, governments can help safeguard tenants by expanding the supply of rentals and building social housing. 

Crowding is a common concern, but most housing and building codes already have separate anti-crowding rules that limit the number of people—as opposed to the type of person—who can inhabit a given amount of floorspace in a home. Roommate caps are not really about crowding but about exercising social control over living arrangements. 

Similarly, if the complaint is noise, then it is noise that should be regulated, not the kind of people who are living together. 

Parking? Same goes: the need to manage parking might be a justifiable reason to regulate the number or use of cars, but it’s not a justifiable reason to limit the number of people sharing a house based on their legal relationship to each other.  

Discriminating based on family status is illegal in British Columbia 

While it’s qualitatively clear that roommate caps discriminate, it’s also likely that they violate anti-discrimination laws. British Columbia law prohibits municipalities from discriminating against the occupants of homes based on family status with occupancy restrictions based on blood relations. 

The issue arose in a 1990s court case decided by the Supreme Court of British Columbia. For three years, a woman had been renting a basement suite from a couple in the Vancouver suburb of Delta. Had she been related to the owners, there would have been no problem. But after a written complaint signed by nine local residents about four basement suites in the area, the city moved to evict her. Delta’s policy was not to proactively look for illegal suites but to investigate and sometimes evict tenants whom neighbors complained about. 

The case was taken on by the Tenants’ Right and Action Coalition. TRAC included evidence about the low vacancy rate in the area at the time (1.3 percent) compared to a healthy vacancy rate (around 4 percent). The Supreme Court of British Columbia ruled that the government had no authority to discriminate against tenants based on family status. 

Other tenants facing eviction under roommate caps could rely on this precedent to fight attempted evictions in court. After years of work, uncertainty, and cost, they might win. But the  better solution would be for the Province to step in and remove these discriminatory provisions before yet more tenants become victims of these subjectively targeted evictions. 

Roommate caps in British Columbia 

Roommate caps vary by municipality, but in general they prohibit more than five unrelated people from living together in one home. As shown in the table at the end of this article, British Columbia’s cities and towns define “family” in numerous ways and vary their allowed numbers of unrelated occupants. 

Some of the rules are downright strange: in the University Endowment Lands, a wealthy enclave just west of Vancouver, there is an exception to the unrelated occupants cap for those who can afford live-in domestic servants. 

British Columbia has 161 municipalities, and a review of all of them would doubtless reveal even more inconsistency and complexity. Meanwhile, major municipalities like Surrey and Victoria get along just fine without any roommate caps at all. If they can do it, why not every city in the province? 

Ban empty homes, but require empty bedrooms? 

Empty homes have generated a lot of moral outrage in British Columbia as housing prices have soared. It’s easy to understand why. To a person struggling tco make rent or with an outsized mortgage, an empty home sitting unused seems to mock their hardship. This is why Vancouver (2017), British Columbia (2018), and Canada (2022) have all enacted laws imposing extra taxes on owners who hold homes empty.

Governments are filling empty homes with one hand but emptying bedrooms with the other.


Tweet This

But even as politicians scramble to enact policies to fill empty homes, most BC municipalities effectively require empty bedrooms. Enforcing roommate caps in a society whose average family size has dropped precipitously since many of its homes were built means cities are preventing those homes from being fully utilized by non-traditional households. 

Governments are filling empty homes with one hand but emptying bedrooms with the other. 

And the numbers show that empty bedrooms are the bigger issue. Estimates of empty homes in Vancouver range from the 1,755 that paid the empty homes tax in 2020 to an unlikely high estimate of 25,495. Meanwhile, according to UBC sociologist Nathan Lauster, in the City of Vancouver there are probably about 459,994 empty bedrooms, or about one in five. Another estimate put that number at 800,000. For context, Sightline previously estimated that there were about 5 million empty bedrooms in Washington, Oregon, and Idaho combined. 

Mandated empty bedrooms caused by roommate caps are an especially acute problem for Vancouver, because it has an unusually high fraction of houses with many bedrooms. In Vancouver in 2011, 12 percent of all housing units had five or more bedrooms—the most out of Canada’s biggest cities. 

In a place like Vancouver, with its outsized number of gigantic houses, it’s especially illogical to require empty bedrooms while at the same time imposing financial penalties intended to keep homes full. And it’s also cruel to single out people in unconventional household arrangements and threaten them with eviction for making full use of large houses. 

But this article is not about how we can or whether we should encourage all those empty bedrooms to be filled. The argument here is much narrower: cities should not require empty bedrooms. Not during a housing crisis, and probably not at all. 

(Past) Time to legalize roommates 

Where people want to live in large homes with many unrelated roommates, they should be allowed to do so. These large homes exist, so why not use them? As set out in an excellent profile on mansion life in The Tyee in 2015, and despite it being formally illegal, people in Vancouver have been finding community and affordable housing in mansions for at least a decade. 

I first advocated for removing roommate caps as a member of Vancouver’s Renters’ Advisory Committee in 2017. Today, my conviction that these caps are wrong is more personal. I am currently living with eight roommates in a large, nine-bedroom home. It was empty until British Columbia enacted its empty homes tax, which was likely the impetus for the owner putting it on the market as a rental. 

But under local law, it is illegal to fill all nine bedrooms unless everyone is legally related, which we are not. We are professionals, entrepreneurs, parents, immigrants, long-time locals, and members of the community. It is an 11,000-square-foot house on a 30,000-square-foot lot. The house easily has room for more than nine residents, but the arbitrary limit of five unrelated occupants not only discriminates against us, but also reduces housing options during a housing crisis. 

Some of our neighbors may not love having renters in the area, as many of them likely bought their $15–30 million mansions to achieve a certain exclusivity and prestige. The law favors their preferences. Today in most of British Columbia, local governments are free to discriminate against unrelated renters and are most likely to do so when they get complaints from busybody neighbors.  

But the question is: should someone’s distaste for having renters in their neighborhood prevail over people’s need for shelter? The province’s southern neighbors, Washington and Oregon, don’t think so. Amid a dire housing shortage, British Columbia should consider joining them. 

Appendix 

Table 1: Roommate caps for selected BC municipalities

City  Maximum unrelated people in one unit  Permitted number of boarders or lodgers  Definition of “family” 
Anmore  5  2  (a) 1 person alone, or 2 or more persons related by blood, marriage, adoption, common law or foster parenthood sharing one dwelling unit; or

(b) not more than 3 unrelated persons sharing one dwelling unit 

Burnaby  None  2  1 or more people living together in a dwelling as a single non-profit household 
Kelowna  5, plus a nanny or housekeeper  N/A Defines “household,” instead of “family,” as:

a) a person; or

(b) 2 or more persons related by blood, marriage, or adoption; or associated through foster care, all living together in one dwelling unit as a single household using common cooking facilities; or

(c) a group of not more than 5 persons, including boarders, who are not related by blood, marriage, or adoption, or associated through foster care, all living together in one dwelling unit as a single household using common cooking facilities; or

(d) a combination of (b) and (c), provided that the combined total does not include more than 3 persons unrelated by blood, marriage, or adoption or associated through foster care; all living together in one dwelling unit as a single household using common cooking facilities;

(e) in addition, a household may also include up to one housekeeper or nanny.

Saanich  6  2, but the total number of unrelated occupants cannot exceed 6 one or more individuals who by reason of marriage, heredity, adoption, or choice live as a household; provided that the number of persons unrelated by blood or marriage shall not exceed 6; excludes boarders, daycare children, or groups of persons forming a monastery, seminary, convent, or similar religious group 
Surrey  None  2  1 or more persons occupying a dwelling unit and living as a single non-profit housekeeping unit 
University Endowment Lands  5, unless providing full-time, live-in domestic services  2  1 or more individuals living as a household and in the case of persons unrelated by blood, marriage, or other law, shall not exceed 3 in number 
Vancouver  5  2  Either:

(a) 1 or more individuals all related to one another by blood, marriage, or adoption; or

(b) a maximum of 3 unrelated individuals living together as a household

Victoria  None  n/a  1 person or a group of persons who through marriage, blood relationship, or other circumstances normally live together

What’s Misunderstood about Indigenous Cultural Fire Is Sovereignty

Find audio versions of Sightline articles on any of your favorite podcast platforms, including Spotify, Google, and Apple.

“The piece that is misunderstood about Indigenous cultural fire is sovereignty.” That was one of the first things Bill Tripp, director of Natural Resources and Environmental Policy for the Karuk Tribe, said to me when I interviewed him for Sightline’s research series on wildfire solutions.   

Each year, wildfires cost the United States tens to hundreds of billions of dollars. Policymakers are finally acknowledging what Indigenous peoples have been saying for decades: most forests need more fire, not less. Government agencies are scrambling to reverse the dominant paradigm of aggressively suppressing wildfire and its legacy of fuel-choked forests primed to burn. This includes recognizing the role of Indigenous land stewardship and extensive burning. Importantly, this shift is also a doorway to that larger issue Tripp named: sovereignty. 

This article explains the relationship between cultural burning and Tribal sovereignty for the Karuk1Pronounced KA’ro͞ok, with a soft “r,” like in Spanish.
Tribe, whose homelands straddle the California-Oregon border.2The Karuk Tribe’s cultural fire program is unusually strong. Of the many factors that support their deep ecological knowledge and fire practice, a few stand out. Tripp partially credits the Tribe’s relative geographic isolation. And while its 1,053,600-acre aboriginal territory suffered incursions by gold miners and loggers, it remains largely undeveloped and occupied not by towns, industry, or even private timberlands but national forests. Importantly, despite the US and California’s efforts to resettle Karuk people and assimilate them through boarding schools, a solid population has always remained on their land, able to pass knowledge down from generation to generation and provide strong and dedicated leadership.
It describes recent wins in their struggle for others to understand and recognize their sovereignty—specifically new policy in the California Legislature and agreements with the US Forest Service that clarify who has a right to burn and where. Interviews with Tripp heavily informed the discussion below. 

The 2014 Happy Camp Fire burning in the Karuk Tribe's aboriginal lands along the Klamath River in northern California. Lighting in the Klamath N.F. started the fire, which killed one person and destroyed nine structures. In 2020, the Slater fire devastated Happy Camp, killed two people, and destroyed 150 homes.

The 2014 Happy Camp Fire burning in the Karuk Tribe’s aboriginal lands along the Klamath River in northern California. Lighting in the Klamath N.F. started the fire, which killed one person and destroyed nine structures. In 2020, the Slater fire devastated Happy Camp, killed two people, and destroyed 150 homes. Source: NASA satellite image

 

Karuk fire traditions undergird their sovereignty 

For millennia, like other Native Americans across the United States and Canada, Karuk people have used fire to tend their homelands as an abundant garden landscape.3This article limits its focus to the United States because despite much overlap with Canada, the two countries’ legal approaches to fire and First Nations are different.
They burn to cultivate tanoaks, acorns, mushrooms, hazel, and elk habitat, to name just a few of the hundreds of species that together support Karuk ways of life. And, along with lightning-sparked ignitions, their low-intensity fires clear out understory ladder fuels that could otherwise kindle severe wildfires that could wipe out their communities.

karuk_2a
Tan Oak grove and acorns in traditional Karuk basket. Photo credit (top): Bob Gorman. Photo credit (bottom): Climate.gov Media.
Tanoak grove and acorns in traditional Karuk basket. Photo credit (top): Bob Gorman. Photo credit (bottom): Climate.gov Media.

Colonization, genocide, and ensuing assimilation as well as forest management policies, however, shifted the forest from being productive for people and wildlife to being productive for timber.4 However, with the resulting increase in wildfires these policies have caused, large swaths of that timber are now burning up as well.
For more than a century, state and federal laws essentially outlawed Indigenous burning and mandated immediate suppression of natural ignitions. Law enforcement could jail Native people caught burning. Many people still hunt, fish, and gather, but without fire, the habitats and species that are central to Karuk ways of life have significantly diminished. 

Hence, even to the degree that the Tribe can make and enforce its own laws and take other actions of self-governance (legal sovereignty), repressing fire has significantly impacted their cultural sovereignty and forced many to assimilate into store-bought foods and Western culture. Karuk cultural biologist Ron Reed explained that “without fire, the landscape changes dramatically. And in that process, the traditional foods that we need for a sustainable lifestyle become unavailable…so we’re not getting the nutrition that we need. We’re not getting the exercise that we need.” 

For food, health, and spiritual connection 

Huckleberries, for example, are a first food whose phytochemicals and micronutrients may help prevent cancer  and diabetes and may aid eye, heart, and cognitive health. Regular burns boost huckleberry productivity by clearing competing vegetation, opening the canopy to let in more sunlight, releasing nutrients into the soil, removing overgrown branches, and spurring the growth of new shoots. In the past, regular cycles of burning yielded bountiful harvests of two to eight gallons of berries per person per day.   

But stewarding first foods and fibers yields more than nutrition and exercise; it also nourishes the spirit and community. As Reed articulated,  

[Without fire,] the reason we are going back to that landscape is no longer there. So the spiritual connection to the landscape is altered significantly. …When we don’t go back to the places that we are used to, accustomed to, part of our lifestyle is curtailed dramatically. …Your mental aspect of life is severed from the spiritual relationship with the earth, with the Great Creator. …And we’re not replenishing the spiritual balance that creates harmony and diversity throughout the landscape. 

Karuk Food Crew employee Ron Reed collects gooseberries.

Karuk Food Crew employee Ron Reed collects gooseberries. Photo credit: Colleen Rossier

More than “prescribed fire” 

Cultural burning can be much more than fuels reduction. The Karuk Tribe is working to educate that “while cultural burning shares some limited similarities with prescribed fire, it is a wholly separate practice governed by Tribal and natural laws.”  

Indeed, its use goes beyond the traditional foods and wildfire benefits that academics, policymakers, and popular culture are starting to associate with Indigenous cultural fire. Cultural burning is a dynamic practice that Native people continue to adapt in response to new circumstances, from climate change to shifting land use patterns. An example may help demonstrate the point. 

Example: The game of sticks 

Tripp told me that his most recent cultural burn was to clear star thistle from the fields the Tribe uses to play the game of sticks. Sticks is a three-on-three game played for fun and for training strong, strategic, and nimble youth. It’s like a cross between rugby, football, and lacrosse.   

Star thistle wasn’t around when Tripp’s ancestors were playing sticks. It’s a more recent nuisance that plagues landowners across the West. Mowing just intensifies its root production, and turning over the soil breaks the roots into fragments that grow into new plants. Petaluma-based rancher George McClelland told me, “I’m breaking my back all day pulling thistle. It’s going to send me to an early grave.” He can’t use the herbicides that kill thistle because his dairy operation is organic.    

But fire is a solution. If you burn before the star thistle has matured enough to produce good seeds but after the native grasses, which mature more quickly, have dried up and dispersed their fire-resistant seeds, the dry native grasses then provide the tinder needed to burn the still-green thistle. Tripp explained,   

You don’t want all that dead dry pokey thistle with people out there wrestling around. You don’t really want to be tackled into a thistle stick that can poke you in the eye or something. Burning all that stuff up is the best way to maintain that cultural space for that cultural practice, and so me and my brother burned in June last year.  

We started out in an area that has been really choked up with star thistle. It’s an invasive species that travels in by roads and foot traffic, and it just grows like crazy. But it’s one of those species that if you can burn it right in that window when the native grass seeds are viable but the thistle seeds aren’t viable yet, and if you can do that three years in a row with fire, the fire will end up flushing the seeds. Just mowing won’t flush the seeds, but burning will. 

We got Council approvals and got our cultural fire practitioner to come out and lead that burn. We burned it at night. We picked our starting point based on our local conditions in the evening, and we just worked our way around the stick field slowly, just burning off about 20 feet and then putting it out as we went. Once we got a black line all the way around the field, then we just used whatever winds were available to carry the burn inside that perimeter.  

It was really effective. It wasn’t a massive fire happening all at one time, and we didn’t light anything that we couldn’t put out. The fire was sending embers into dry grass across the feature that we had for holding it there, which was a road. But the humidity comes up so high at night that time of year that the potential for those embers to light a fire is pretty low. It went off without a hitch. 

The Karuk people continue to adapt the powerful tool of fire to precisely—and sustainably—shape their ecosystem.  

Redefining the who and what of cultural burning 

Tripp had an approved plan and a permit for his sticks fields burn, and he has the qualifications of a professional wildland firefighter. But Tripp explained that the Tribe does not need these state requirements because it retains the right to self-govern burning. Despite these rights, according to Tripp, local law enforcement has continued to harass cultural fire practitioners, creating risks that disempower cultural burners and restrain growth in their numbers. He said, 

Individuals do get harassed a lot. It’s one of those things that has a major spotlight on it. For a lot of years, people just turned their heads. But there are individuals, more recently, that started calling things in whenever there’s a slight smell of smoke. And so you never know who’s going to come from where and how they’re going to interpret the law to be. …They have a fire engine showing up saying, ‘Who started this fire? We’re going to arrest you if we find out who it is.’ Even in February when [the fire is] not going anywhere.   

A 2011 controlled burn in a Tanoak gathering area creates defensible space below a nearby home while increasing the quality of the acorns by interrupting the life cycle of the acorn weevil.

A 2011 controlled burn in a tanoak gathering area creates defensible space below a nearby home while increasing the quality of the acorns by interrupting the life cycle of the acorn weevil. Image: Mid Klamath Watershed Council. Used with permission.

After years of work, the Karuk and other California Tribes are achieving policy wins that help resolve these risks. The state is starting to recognize Tribes’ sovereign authority to self-govern their own cultural burning, namely through two laws intended to encourage more beneficial fire by non-government groups and a third bill, currently working its way through the California state house, that would take Tribal sovereignty to the next level.  

AB 642: Distinguishing from prescribed fire 

For the first time in California history, Assembly Bill 642, passed in 2021, defined the terms “cultural fire practitioner” and “cultural burning,” officially recognizing cultural fire as distinct from prescribed fire and acknowledging that cultural burners need to be treated differently.5As first defined in AB 642 and later amended in SB 332, California law defines “cultural fire practitioner” to mean a person associated with a California Native American Tribe or Tribal organization with experience in burning to meet cultural goals or objectives, including sustenance, ceremonial activities, biodiversity, or other benefits.
The law also requires the director of the California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection (CAL FIRE) to identify all moderate and high fire severity zones in the state and appoint an Indigenous cultural burning liaison from each zone to advise on increasing cultural burns.   

SB 332: Establishing protections for cultural fire practitioners 

In the rare event that a controlled burn escapes, Senate Bill 332, also passed in 2021, shields burners not deemed grossly negligent from liability for the state’s expenses to suppress the fire. The bill exempts cultural burners from the law’s requirement that eligible burns follow a written burn plan approved by a state-qualified burn boss. 

This means, for example, that Karuk community members can be protected from firefighting expenses even if they lack the qualifications that are mandated for other burn practitioners. Tripp explained why this is important. 

We need to be able to have our community be the community it’s meant to be in this place. And a lot of our Tribal folks are simply not going to get the qualifications. They’re not going to go on wildfires, so they can’t get into all the NWCG [National Wildfire Coordinating Group] training. But they want to take care of the place around where they live, and they’re more than capable of doing so. 

Karuk Food Crew employee Jesse Goodwin and US Forest Service employee Frank Lake examine evergreen huckleberries. Photo credit: Colleen Rossier.

Karuk Food Crew employee Jesse Goodwin and US Forest Service employee Frank Lake examine evergreen huckleberries. Photo credit: Colleen Rossier.

SB 310: The next chapter for Tribal sovereignty in fire practices 

Unfortunately, SB 332 fell short of aligning with Tribes’ right to self-govern burning. According to Sara Clark, an attorney involved in negotiating the new policies, “It was a meaningful step for the state to recognize that cultural burners aren’t going to have a written burn plan and they’re not going to use a state-qualified burn boss. It just didn’t get the whole way there.”  

For example, SB 332 does not exempt cultural burns from needing a burn permit, which CAL FIRE gatekeepers can deny, or an air quality permit. According to Colleen Rossier, senior research and policy advisor for the Karuk Department of Natural Resources, “These are direct affronts to Tribal sovereignty.” And if they burn without an approved burn plan and permit, they forfeit access to the state’s Prescribed Fire Claims Fund, established in 2022, which pays up to $2 million per incident for damages to private property. 

“Ultimately, there’s still this administrative or authoritative power grab over the burn process,” Tripp said.  

The Karuk Tribe supports Senate Bill 310, currently near the finish line in the California legislature, which would explicitly recognize Tribal sovereignty with respect to cultural burning. This bill would authorize the California Natural Resources Agency to enter into sovereign-to-sovereign agreements with California Tribes that would acknowledge that state laws and regulations do not apply to cultural burns and would include eliminating burn permits and other permitting and regulatory requirements.  

Tripp said, “SB 310 is intended to kind of pull out all the stops and say, ‘Hey, this is a sovereign authority.’” 

Beargrass—or panyúrar in Karuk—is an important species for basket weavers and regalia makers. The blades that grow the first year after a fire are considered best for basket weaving. Panyúrar can be stimulated by fire, but also can be damaged by fires that burn too hot. Photo courtesy the U.S. Climate Resilience Toolkit.

Beargrass—or panyúrar in Karuk—is an important species for basket weavers and regalia makers. The blades that grow the first year after a fire are considered best for basket weaving. Panyúrar can be stimulated by fire, but also can be damaged by fires that burn too hot. Photo courtesy the U.S. Climate Resilience Toolkit.

Redefining the where of cultural burning 

Besides who can burn, the Karuk Tribe has also struggled for sovereignty over where it can burn. In this regard, too, it has achieved important success. The Tribe wants acknowledged decision-making authority to co-manage its ancestral lands. This includes using fire to restore more than one million acres of conifers, oak woodlands, and grasslands now under both Tribal jurisdiction and the jurisdiction of the Six Rivers and Klamath National Forests, according to Rossier. 

The Tribe is equipped for this role. For example, the Karuk Tribe Department of Natural Resources maintains an actionable restoration and climate adaptation plan and an eco-cultural resource management plan based on a combination of traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) and Western science. The plan documents how to use fire to restore habitat for the Pacific giant salamander, black oaks, and twenty additional indicator species, including where to ignite, what natural features act as fire breaks, which habitats cover different micro-climates, and the time of year for initial burn and follow-up burn. 

Co-stewardship with the US Forest Service 

After years of effort, including plenty of setbacks, the Karuk Tribe has secured a recognized co-stewardship role with the US Forest Service. Collaborating through the Western Klamath Restoration Partnership, the Tribe co-created a plan to restore fire resilience to a 1.2-million-acre landscape that largely follows the boundaries of its aboriginal territory. Specific projects are based on both Karuk fire practices and priorities, such a TEK carried in the story of how Coyote stole Fire, and the goals of the United States National Cohesive Wildland Fire Management Strategy 

Tripp described the Tribe’s progress in its relationship with the US Forest Service: 

It seems like we’re starting to get to a place where we are really able to communicate the hard truths as everyone sees them. And not be offended by it. We’re able to say, “Okay, well, where is the common ground? Where is the shared value? How can we just put this other stuff aside and do things that achieve the shared value and the collective vision?” And we’re getting there, slowly but surely, on about half of our territorial landscape. And the conversation is starting to shift on the other half of that Forest Service Unit as well. 

More coordination has allowed more burning. Tripp spoke about a large restoration burn in summer 2023:  

This past June turned into an all-hands-on-deck situation, and we were able to collectively pull off a 135-acre burn. I mean, that is unheard of. All the stars aligned, and we were able to integrate the Tribe, the Forest Service, and local partners to do a wildland fire management project. We had Tribal staff out there that were in leadership roles in that burn, and we would alternate who’s doing what, who was getting training assignments. And it just turned out great.  

When you look up at that landscape today, you see very few scorched trees on that 135 acres, and a lot of the area that had really thick duff that’s prone to high severity fire—a lot of that was consumed, so that risk has been reduced significantly. And now, if we can put that place back into a regular frequent fire interval, that risk can potentially be mitigated in perpetuity as we expand fire to the broader landscape. 

A prescribed fire in 2020. Source: Karuk Tribe. Used with permission.

A prescribed fire in 2020. Source: Karuk Tribe. Used with permission.

Expanding from co-stewardship to co-management 

Many Tribes and some federal agencies use the term “co-stewardship” to describe the kind of collaboration occurring between the Karuk Tribe and the US Forest Service. But what the Tribe ultimately aspires to and is working toward is “co-management.” Tripp described the distinction:   

Co-stewardship is more just collaborating on projects but not necessarily shared decision-making, whereas co-management is more of a shared decision-making relationship. So we are currently progressing in the co-stewardship arena, but we are trying to reach equal footing with states and the federal government on having that equal say in shared decision-making. 

There are only a handful of nascent examples of co-management between the United States and a Tribe, so Tripp could only speculate on what form it would take on the Karuk’s aboriginal territory.   

In our case, maybe that’s a compartmentalized decision-making process. Maybe the Tribe makes decisions on cultural burning and the Forest Service makes decisions on prescribed fire. Maybe that means that we’re both signing NEPA [National Environmental Policy Act] documents. Maybe that means that we make decisions about what our Tribal members do and what our programs do, and the Forest Service is making decisions over what their programs do. Maybe we’re making decisions over a portion of what the federal program is. 

Karuk Tribe aboriginal land base in northern California. Six Rivers N.F. shown in dark green. Klamath N.F. shown in mint. Source: Karuk Climate Vulnerabilty Assessment. Map credit: Scott Quinn, Karuk Land Manager. Used with permission.

Karuk Tribe aboriginal land base in northern California. Six Rivers N.F. shown in dark green. Klamath N.F. shown in mint. Source: Karuk Climate Vulnerabilty Assessment. Map credit: Scott Quinn, Karuk Land Manager. Used with permission.

One win at a time 

Achieving co-management may appear to be a longshot, but the Karuk Tribe is winning one small victory after another. It is working strategically and patiently, and its recent successes in the California legislature demonstrate that longshots are possible.   

Recently, Tripp served on the influential Wildland Fire Mitigation and Management Commission, co-authoring the most comprehensive recommendations to date for overhauling every facet of the United States’ approach to wildfire. Recommendations #30 and #141 suggest that Congress authorize the US Forest Service to enter into co-management agreements with Tribes, allowing shared or transferred decision-making authority, and recommend a blue-ribbon panel to identify how to reduce co-management barriers. 

One of the Karuk Department of Natural Resources’ highest priorities is to ensure that all the recommendations in the report are faithfully implemented. 

Sovereignty: Unlearning colonial definitions for a healthier fire future 

The United States largely recognizes Tribal sovereignty and interacts with Tribes as one government to another. But the details are complex and constantly shifting. The last significant Supreme Court decision to revise the interpretation of Tribal sovereignty was as recent as 2022 and decided by a slim five-to-four majority. 

Kathy McCovey, a member of the Karuk Tribe who has studied using low-intensity fire to manage the ecosystem, speaks to firefighters assigned to the McCash Fire (2021) during morning briefing. Credit: Geoff Liesik, National.

Kathy McCovey, a member of the Karuk Tribe who has studied using low-intensity fire to manage the ecosystem, speaks to firefighters assigned to the McCash Fire (2021) during morning briefing. Credit: Geoff Liesik, National Interagency Fire Center.

The US government initially recognized Tribes as independent nations, but an 1831 Supreme Court decision redefined them as “domestic dependent nations,” making them accountable to federal law. Subsequent (and contested) federal law made Tribes in certain states, including California, subject to certain state laws as well.    

Each Indigenous nation has a unique history of land occupation, treaties, and recognition (or lack thereof) by the United States. But greater recognition of Tribal sovereignty across these diverse circumstances is a common cause, and to varying degrees, wins for one Tribe can influence the interpretation of sovereignty for others. 

Sovereignty for the Karuk 

For Karuk people, sovereignty has many meanings. It can be understood to have a legal meaning (an independent, self-governing nation) and a cultural meaning. It entails access to, responsibility for, and stewardship of the plants, animals, lands, and waters the Karuk people live their culture and traditions through.  

Unfortunately, this access has long been denied, and with it, the continuation of those traditions. Many Karuk people believe that if they can’t actively manage their homeland; continue to observe and refine their knowledge, practice, and belief systems; and restore species balance with fire, they will continue to lose their culture, with continuing and increasing negative impacts on the local ecosystems.  

If certain critical actions are taken, however, strengthening Tribal sovereignty may be a powerful positive change both resulting from and constructively addressing the worsening wildfire crisis and other environmental crises, which in many cases may have been averted had Indigenous Knowledge and collaboration been embraced earlier. According to a Karuk report titled Retaining Knowledge Sovereignty,  

Interest in Tribal TEK creates a relatively supportive political environment that can be conducive to a return of traditional management activities—thereby benefitting Tribal culture, non-Indian people and forest ecosystems.6 When reviewing this article, Rossier noted that “‘relatively’ is a key word here. There are still many barriers and biases against a return of traditional management activities.

As discussed above, the Karuk Tribe has embraced this opportunity to advance its long-term struggle for Tribal sovereignty. The Tribe has pushed the California legislature to pass several laws that recognize cultural burning and empower cultural fire practitioners. It has secured co-stewardship agreements with the Six Rivers National Forest that occupies its aboriginal territory. And it has become a key contributor to state and national wildfire policy development. 

“No, Tribes have those rights.” 

“We are constantly using language around ‘giving rights’ or ‘giving authority.’ You have to unlearn first, to be able to really say, ‘No, Tribes have those rights.’ The federal government literally has to do nothing for those rights to exist. Those rights exist.” -Sara Clark, Attorney


In the big picture of addressing the historic injustices inflicted by the United States and state governments on Native Americans, the Karuk Tribe’s fire management victories—in the California legislature and with the US Forest Service—may seem small. Tripp assured me that “these wins don’t change legal precedent about Tribal sovereignty.” 

Still, they are meaningful. The California legislature’s clear acknowledgement of Tribal sovereignty and its rulemaking to protect incursions on that sovereignty sets a new national standard in the constantly shifting interpretation of that concept in the United States. It also invites a profound cultural shift in mainstream understanding of Tribal sovereignty. 

The potentially game-changing significance of SB 310, in addition to reorienting cultural burn decision-making relationships to be sovereign-to-sovereign, is for more people to understand, acknowledge, and recognize that the Karuk Tribe has sovereignty. “It’s a real linguistic challenge, the unlearning we have to do,” Clark, the attorney, said. “Lawyers learn how the federal government and state governments work. But we are not taught that Tribes are sovereign entities. So we are constantly using language around ‘giving rights’ or ‘giving authority.’ You have to unlearn first, to be able to really say, ‘No, Tribes have those rights.’ The federal government literally has to do nothing for those rights to exist. Those rights exist.”   

Doing this research, I also had to unlearn. I asked Tripp, “What are the concrete legal changes that would help win Tribal sovereignty?” He patiently explained:  

We don’t need to win Tribal sovereignty; we need to acknowledge that Tribal sovereignty exists. We’re starting to do that in California. But that’s more about creating a legislative process that enables an agency to do something that they currently perceive as not possible but is entirely possible. They just don’t understand how it’s possible.

Klamath River, CA. Credit: Tupper Ansel Blake, U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons.

Klamath River, CA. Credit: Tupper Ansel Blake, U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons.

The Election Calendar Is Cheating Idaho and Montana Voters

Find audio versions of Sightline articles on any of your favorite podcast platforms, including Spotify, Google, and Apple.

The eastern Cascadian states of Idaho, Montana, and Wyoming are about as similar as any three states can be. They are neighboring, lightly populated states in the Rocky Mountains, with major agriculture, energy, mining, and tourism industries. Among the reddest of red states, they have Republicans in every state executive office, Republican supermajorities in every legislative chamber, huge majorities for Republican presidential candidates every four years, and, with the sole exception of US Senator Jon Tester (D-Montana), Republicans in all their Congressional seats. 

But on one measure of politics, the three states diverge. Montana and, especially, Idaho lag Wyoming badly in voter turnout in local elections. 

The reason has little to do with voter ID laws or get-out-the-vote campaigns, with electronic voting machines or any of the other hot-button topics that fuel partisan controversy and distrust about American elections. The reason is much more prosaic: the states’ election calendars.  

Idaho and Montana conduct municipal elections in November of odd-numbered years, separate from state and federal elections. Wyoming lets its cities choose when to conduct their elections, and most of them do it on the same ballots they use for federal and state elections, on the first Tuesday after the first Monday in November in even-numbered years. That is, on the date that voters think of as capital-E, capital-D Election Day. 

Simply by consolidating elections, Wyoming dramatically boosts turnout. And the consequences include better representation by age; strengthened government accountability to mainstream voters; and saved public funds. 

Consolidated elections deliver nearly double the voter turnout 

Chart showing Idaho has half of Wyoming's municipal election turnout
Sightline gathered data from the largest cities in Idaho, Montana, and Wyoming, finding in each municipality the citywide race with the most votes cast in recent municipal elections.
As Figure 1 shows, Wyoming voters cast far more ballots in their 2022 municipal elections, which coincided with state and federal elections, than did their Idaho counterparts in 2021 off-cycle elections, when little else was on the ballot. On average, the Wyoming cities listed in the figure drew 37.3 percent of voting-age citizens to the polls to vote in 2022. In Idaho, meanwhile, the comparable figure was 19.5 percent. In other words, Wyoming’s turnout was almost double Idaho’s, a neighboring state that is otherwise a political twin. 

Just so, Wyoming’s municipal voting turnout is substantially higher than Montana’s, as shown in Figure 2. Montana’s odd-year elections brought out more voters than did Idaho’s, but that’s because Montana voters are routinely more active, across the board. In fact, Montana ranks sixth among all US states for its presidential turnout since 1976. Given the much higher voting baseline in Montana generally, you would expect Montana’s municipal turnout to be at least 6 percentage points higher than Wyoming’s. That’s the average gap in presidential elections between the states. Instead, Wyomingites outvoted Montanans by 4.3 points in municipal elections, averaging 37.3 percent turnout to Montanans’ 33 percent. By running local elections with national ones, in other words, Wyoming closes the deficit and goes far beyond. 

Chart showing because it votes off cycle, Montana trails Wyoming in municipal election turnout.
Another way to see the Montana gap between on-cycle and off-cycle voting is to look at the two Montana communities that vote on cycle. By law, all counties in Montana—as in 40 states—vote on-cycle, so the two Montana cities that are run by consolidated city-county governments, Anaconda (Deer Lodge County) and Butte (Silver Bow County), are natural tests of what happens with on-cycle municipal elections. As shown in Figure 3, the on-cycle cities boast almost twice the turnout of their off-cycle peers. Average turnout per citizen of voting age in the highest turnout municipal race in each city in the seven off-cycle Montana cities was 33 percent; turnout in the two on-cycle city/county elections was 62 percent.
 

Chart showing on-cycle Montana cities get almost twice as much voter turnout as off-cycle Montana cities.
Still another way to see the immense turnout penalty that Montana cities suffer from their off-cycle elections is to examine voter participation within city limits in November of odd-number years (when municipal elections are held) with voter participation within city limits in November of even-number years (when national elections are held). 
 

Sightline commissioned research on this question from Professor G. Agustin Markarian of Loyola University Chicago. Markarian used data from a large commercial service called Catalist, which aggregates information from multiple sources to give a detailed view of electorates, to compare who voted in six of Montana’s main cities in a decade’s worth of November elections, from 2012 to 2022. 

As shown in Figure 4, in every case, the on-cycle electorate was vastly larger: almost twice as large. 

Chart showing younger voters almost doubles in turnout in on-cycle elections

SOURCE: G. Agustin Markarian analysis of Catalist data for Sightline.

These findings line up neatly with data and research from across the United States. Professor Zoltan L. Hajnal of the University of California, San Diego, writes: 

Every one of the eight published studies on local election timing finds that moving to even year elections (often called on-cycle elections) is by far the biggest thing that localities can do to increase turnout. Nationwide, local voter turnout generally doubles when elections move from off-cycle to on-cycle contests. 

What’s remarkable about these findings is that other attempts to encourage participation such as get-out-the-vote and registration drives are lucky to boost turnout by just a percentage point or two 

Some opponents of on-cycle elections fret that voters, confronted with a long ballot, quit before finishing. Down-ballot “drop-off” is real, but its scale is usually a few percentage points—inconsequential compared with the boost from on-cycle elections. In Sightline’s comparisons in this article, shown in figures 1, 2, and 3, drop-off is irrelevant: we only tallied ballots marked for local races, so the figures are all after drop-off. 

Consolidated elections draw voters who better match the larger population… 

…In their age 

The consensus of academic research from across the United States points to on-cycle electorates being not only much larger but also more representative. The predominant way in which this is true is that on-cycle voters better match the public in age. Vladimir Kogan of Ohio State University and his coauthorsfound that in California and Texas, for example, voters aged 65 years or more made up 37 and 39 percent respectively of the presidential-year electorate; their share rose to well over half in off-cycle elections. Among 50 US cities studied by Portland State University, off-cycle elections for mayor brought out mostly old voters; a 17-year gap separated the median age of voters from that of the public in their cities. In cities with on-cycle elections, in contrast, this age gap shrank by half. 

Sightline’s analysis showed the same thing in Montana: the on-cycle electorate in cities includes far more working-age people than does the off-cycle electorate. As shown in Figure 5, in the six Montana cities we studied, over the past decade, the share of voters who were under the age of 40 rose from 25 percent to 31 percent in on-cycle elections, even as the share of the electorate over the age of 55 shrank from 53 percent to 44 percent. It’s not that older voters stay away in even-year elections: everyone is more likely to vote then. It’s just that younger voters flood into the electorate when the stakes are raised by statewide and federal races. Older voters are more likely to vote year in and year out.  

Younger electors show up more in on-cycle elections

…And in their politically moderate identity 

Democratic representatives and their political operatives in Idaho and Montana have mostly opposed election consolidation in recent years. They point, for example, to how high-turnout presidential elections have precipitated a red wave in Montana in 2020 and fear that on-cycle local elections would bring out a much more conservative electorate.

But Sightline’s analysis of Montana cities found no big ideological differences between on-cycle and off-cycle voters. Aside from the younger electorate, we found only one meaningful change: on-cycle elections brought a small but statistically significant increase in the share of voters who are political moderates—an increase of 2.8 points. The only other statistically significant finding was a minuscule increase of 0.3 points in the share of voters who are Black, Asian American, or Latino. We found no statistically significant changes between off-cycle and on-cycle electorates in other categories: there was a marginal decrease in Democrats, a tiny increase in Republicans, and an unexpected decrease in average family incomes. But again, none of these findings was of a magnitude large enough to warrant credence: the differences between on- and off-cycle were smaller than the margins of error. Mathematically, the impacts were nil. (See full results here.)  

If on-cycle elections favor conservatives in local races, the effect is so small it’s hard to measure. That was the conclusion of an impressive recent study by Justin Benedictis-Kessner of Harvard University and Christopher Warshaw of George Washington University. They assembled an immense new database on local US elections, subjected it to a battery of sophisticated statistical and methodological tests, and sought correlations with a bevy of outcomes. They found that, in contrast with other recent research suggesting on-cycle elections might benefit progressives by better-representing voters of color, the measurable impacts of on-cycle elections were, again, nil:  “Moving local elections on-cycle . . . has negligible effects on the partisan composition of the electorate or the partisan and ideological outcomes of elections.” 

Consolidated elections dilute special-interest sway and save money 

So, if on-cycle elections are a Godsend to neither left nor right, are they truly neutral in their effects? Unlikely. Anything that doubles turnout will have some effect. Most likely, election consolidation boosts particular constituencies within each large party coalition rather than entire parties or their ideologies. Logically, it must elevate the interests of working-age voters at the expense of others. 

Which others? It’s not likely to be older voters, who still dominate the local electorate, even after consolidation. Intriguingly, it may be special interests. Scholars have found evidence that on-cycle elections may dilute the power of public employee organizations, such as teachers’ and firefighters’ unions, which—with the exception of police unions—are central members of the Democratic Party’s political coalition. Writes scholar Michael Hartney for the conservative Manhattan Institute: 

Studies have shown that off-cycle local elections tend to give organized interests extra power in local politics. Among these interest groups, public-employee unions loom large, especially teachers’ unions. Over several years, I collected data on thousands of teacher-union endorsements in school-board elections in California. In nearly 2,000 board elections held during 1995–2020 . . . union-endorsed candidates did significantly better in off-year races. . . . The electioneering advantages that public unions have in off-cycle elections pay off in policymaking. In several studies, Sarah Anzia has shown that teachers and firefighters receive more generous pay and benefits (including more generous pension commitments) when schoolboard and municipal elections are held at odd times of the year. 

In fact, in another paper, Hartney and two coauthors found that US cities with on-cycle elections have policies that vary directly and predictably with the political beliefs of their citizens by, for example, spending more in liberal than in conservative cities. In cities with off-cycle elections, though, they found that public policies that affect public employees—such as pay rates and numbers of workers—display no such relationship. Off-cycle elections, that is, seem to insulate public employee unions from accountability to voters’ beliefs. 

What’s more, election consolidation comes at no cost to the public treasury. To the contrary, adopting on-cycle voting typically saves money. In Idaho, Sightline estimates that consolidating all local elections might spare governments $5.4 million in spending per biennium, and in Montana, the savings might be $4.4 million. Together, that’s almost $10 million per two-year election cycle, or $5 million per year. 

A history: From breaking up old urban political machines to modern-day maneuvering for change 

More than a century ago, from 1894 to 1917, the Progressive movement set about breaking American cities’ “political machines,” in which local bosses used patronage networks to generate huge turnout of local voters for state and national parties. The Progressives’ motives and record were mixed: they aimed to fight corruption, it’s true. But they did it partly by disenfranchising ethnic and working-class voters. Their first tactic and one of their most successful was to disconnect local elections from state and national ones, by shunting them to springtime or to odd years. This splitting of local from state elections stuck, and a large majority of US municipalities still hold their elections off cycle.  

Still, the trend is now running back toward on-cycle elections, and Wyoming has been part of that trend. Most cities there were off cycle in 1940, but by 1986, they had moved on cycle, according to scholar Sarah Anzia (page 76). Since 1973, state law has set the default, but not mandatory, method for municipal elections as that they be “held at the same time, in the same manner, at the same polling places, and are conducted by the same election officials, using the same poll lists, as the statewide . . . general elections.” 

Neither Idaho nor Montana has ever had on-cycle municipal elections, as far as Sightline’s historical research can ascertain. In 1885, four years before statehood, Montana’s territorial legislature scheduled municipal elections on the first Monday of April each year (see Section 4748). With two-year terms for most mayors and city councilors, the result was a mix of odd-year and even-year spring elections. Then, in 1935, the legislature shifted them all to the odds, still in April, and fixed all terms at two years (see Chapter 381, Section 5003). Sometime between 1947 (see 11-709, 5003) and 1978 (see 13-1-104 (2))—online records don’t say when but suggest it may have been in or before 1969, according to Dan Clark, director of the Local Government Center at Montana State University in Bozeman—lawmakers moved municipal elections to November, where they have stayed ever since. 

In Idaho, meanwhile, the current schedule of November odd-year municipal elections has been embedded in state law since at least 1978 and probably since 1961 (see pages 144-145). For several decades before that, just as in Montana, city elections were in April of odd-numbered years, according to Andy Brunelle of Boise, who has held a lifetime’s worth of state and federal leadership roles including as an election clerk in the office of Idaho’s Secretary of State in the 1970s. 

In 2023, both Idaho and Montana considered legislation to move local elections on cycle. In Idaho, Senate bill 1079 would have moved municipal elections to November of even years. The bill, sponsored by C. Scott Grow (R–Eagle), didn’t make it out of its first committee. Representative Joe Alfieri (R–Couer d’Alene) offered the narrower House bill 58, which passed the house but didn’t get a final vote in the senate. It would have taken a timid first step toward consolidation by moving votes on school levies and bonds from ultra-off-cycle, stand-alone elections in March and August to the regular primary and general elections in May and November, though not necessarily in even-numbered years. 

Meanwhile, in Montana, the state house passed a comprehensive consolidation bill, covering all local jurisdictions from irrigation and school districts to municipalities, and the state senate passed a thinner bill that covered just municipalities. Neither bill got out of committee in the opposite chamber before the legislative clock ran out. In Montana, proponents of consolidation will try their luck with legislators again.  

Honoring the founding principles 

The most important finding of empirical research is that on-cycle elections favor candidates whose values match public opinion. Hartney, writing with researcher Sam Hayes this time, compared school board members’ views with their constituents’ and found that school boards elected in even years match public sentiments better than do boards elected in odd years. UC San Diego’s Zoltan Hajnal, meanwhile, has conducted research not yet published showing that on-cycle elections dampen the polarization that increasingly bedevils American democracy: moderate voters are better represented in local elections in November of even-numbered years.  

The whole point of representative democracy in the United States, as described in its founding documents and the Federalist Papers, is to align government action with majority sentiment, while protecting the freedoms of individuals and of political, religious, and racial minorities. Election consolidation, therefore, ought to be a priority for small-d democrats and proponents of the small-r republican form of government, regardless of which capital letter they identify with. 

And in Idaho and Montana, the simplest way to strengthen democracy is to borrow a page from Wyoming and let cities move their elections to Election Day. It could double turnout, even while it saves the states as much as $5 million per year between them.  

 

Data in support of the five figures and explanation of Sightline’s methods are posted here. Thanks to Senior Research Associate Jay Lee for data analysis, to Sightline Fellow Todd Newman for legal research, and to G. Agustin Markarian for data analysis. Thanks also to Zoltan Hajnal for his comments on a draft and for suggesting and advising on the voter file analysis conducted by Dr. Markarian. 

Nonpartisan Open Primaries Let Alaskans Choose Values Over Party

Find audio versions of Sightline articles on any of your favorite podcast platforms, including Spotify, Google, and Apple.

In 2022, Alaska voters for the first time used nonpartisan open primaries to choose candidates for the general election. Every voter, regardless of political registration, received the same ballot. And every ballot listed every candidate in every race. In this style of primary, voters could support a mix of Republicans, Democrats, independents, and third-party candidates, or they could vote along party lines.  

Our analysis of 2022 primary election data found slightly more than half of Alaska’s 192,061 voters1Our analysis of the cast vote record found 192,061 ballots from the primary election, 99.8 percent of the 192,542 ballots reported in the official results. The 481 unrecorded ballots could be absent from the cast vote record because they were hand counted, because they were returned with no votes marked, or because of other reasons.
opted to split their tickets in the races for US Senate, US House, governor, and state legislative offices. The combinations of candidates spanned the political spectrum, which was unsurprising given that Alaska has the highest percentage of independent voters in the nation. 

The cast vote record from the Alaska Division of Elections shows what combination of candidates each Alaska primary voter chose. From this data, we cross-referenced candidates’ self-described political affiliations to determine how many Alaskans split their ticket between candidates of different parties.  

One of the more popular multipartisan combos, chosen by 24,350 voters, was an independent gubernatorial candidate, a Republican for US Senate, and a Democrat for US House. Less conventional combinations also surfaced. For instance, 5,606 Alaskans voted for Republicans in the three statewide races and chose at least one Democrat to serve in the legislature. And very small numbers of voters simultaneously supported conservative and progressive candidates whose platforms appear to have little overlap. 

The debut in August 2022 of nonpartisan open primaries brought voters unaffiliated with either party closer to squaring their numbers with their political clout. Lawmakers from the two major parties dominate Alaska’s political scene, yet only 37 percent of registered voters in the 2022 primary belonged to the Democratic or Republican parties. Nearly two-thirds of Alaska voters were (and continue to be) independents, a combination of nonpartisan and undeclared voters. The chance to express independent political preferences is a defining feature of Alaska’s open primary system. All Alaskans, whether party-registered or not, are free to look beyond party when deciding which candidates they want to see in the general election. 

Alaska’s primary election rules have a history of change 

Since statehood, Alaska has vacillated between so-called “blanket” primaries and semi-closed primaries. From 2004–2020, the two major parties settled into a pattern for organizing their primaries. Republicans held semi-closed primaries, meaning only Republican and independent voters could participate, but not Democrats and those registered with third parties. Democrats and third parties offered a combined ballot open to all registered voters. 

In Alaska’s 2022 nonpartisan open primaries, though, all candidates appeared on a single ballot available to all voters, regardless of party. Allowing all voters the chance to vet all candidates in a state-funded election made sense. Voters could pick one candidate per race to advance to the general election. The top four vote-getters in each race then moved on to the ranked choice general election. The open primaries apply to races for governor, US Senate, US House, and both chambers of the Alaska legislature. They do not apply to the presidential primaries, which are funded by political parties. 

Notably, 49 percent of all voters chose a Republican in at least one race and a candidate of a different party in another contest. The old Republican primary rules forced voters to choose from a menu of Republican candidates only, making such combinations impossible.


Notably, 49 percent of all voters chose a Republican in at least one race and a candidate of a different party in another contest. The old Republican primary rules forced voters to choose from a menu of Republican candidates only, making such combinations impossible. When given the chance to choose candidates freely, tens of thousands of Alaska primary voters did just that.  

A majority of Alaska’s primary voters chose a mix of candidates from different parties 

About 52 percent of Alaska’s 192,061 primary voters crossed party lines in the 2022 primaries. Another 44 percent voted an all-Republican ticket. Voters were far less likely to toe the Democratic party line, with just 4 percent casting all-blue ballots. 


Within the group of split-ticket voters, 44 percent voted multipartisan. That is, they supported candidates from both major parties, plus independent and/or third-party candidates. Another 31 percent voted for candidates from the two major parties, but no independent or third-party candidates. The rest of the voters who split their tickets opted for only one major party but were willing to also vote independent and/or third-party.   
 


Many Alaska voters hold more complex political views than a straight party ticket would allow them to express. For example, left-leaning voters might have supported incumbent conservative Governor Mike Dunleavy for maintaining the Permanent Fund Dividend, a no-strings-attached
annual cash payout to every Alaskan. Right-leaning voters might have gone in for Rep. Mary Peltola, the pro-oil moderate Democrat who vowed to continue the legacy of Rep. Don Young, the Republican Congressman whose seat she won. And voters have an established history of pan-partisan support for Sen. Lisa Murkowski, a Republican and one of the few remaining moderates in Congress.  

Though we can see how Alaskans voted, the ballot data from the Division of Elections reveal nothing about the voters themselves. Thus, there is no information about how many registered Republicans and Democrats split their tickets for independent candidates or, conversely, how many independents voted straight party tickets. 

Alaska ballot data reveal unconventional combinations of candidates  

Political combinations spanned various flavors of conservative to moderate Republican, to multipartisan ballots that included independents, to straight Democratic tickets. As the only major independent candidate, former Governor Bill Walker was a big driver of primary ticket-splitting. About 41,800 ticket-splitters, accounting for 22 percent of all primary voters, chose Walker plus candidates from major and third parties.  

Voters submitted more than 7,500 different candidate combinations, including ballots where voters chose not to vote in one or more races. The most common ticket-splitting combination across all five races accounted for about 5 percent of all primary voters: Murkowski, a Republican, for US Senate; Peltola for US House; Democrat Les Gara for governor; plus Democrats for state House and Senate. The same combo, but with Walker for governor, accounted for 4 percent of all ballots.2The count of popular split-ticket combinations does not include ballots where voters opted out of one or more races. Had we included them, the share of Murkowski + Democrats ballots would have been 7 percent and the Murkowski + Walker + Democrats ballots would have been 6.5 percent.
  

Notably, contradictory combinations that seemed to defy all political logic and would have been impossible under the previous party-controlled primary system showed up in the ballot data. For example, a tiny bloc of 3,100 Dunleavy-Peltola voters exists. Open primaries gave them the chance to vote for a Trump-supporting conservative for governor and a moderate Democrat for US House.  

Another 1,517 Alaskans voted straight Republican in every statewide race and straight Democrat in the legislative races. On the flip side, 494 went for Democrats across the statewide offices and for Republicans in both legislative races. Another 82 voters chose conservative Kelly Tshibaka, who ran to the right of Murkowski for US Senate, along with Democrats Peltola and Gara for House and governor respectively. On balance, these numbers are miniscule, but they underscore the extraordinary power voters gain by way of nonpartisan primaries to express their political preferences. 

Lack of political diversity among candidates in some legislative races meant some voters had no choice but to split their tickets. In 19 of the 59 state Senate and House primaries, only one party or political group was represented. The three contenders for Kodiak’s Senate District C, for example, were all Republicans: Heath Smith, Walter Jones, and Gary Stevens. (Stevens would go on to win and serve as Senate President.) The same happened in House Districts 17 and 19 in Anchorage, where two Democrats, but no other candidates, ran in each race.  

Still, most voters in districts with only one political choice for legislature chose to split their tickets in other races that included candidates from across the spectrum. Only 5 percent of all voters selected candidates from the same party up and down the ballot, save for a legislative race where no candidate from that party ran.  

Under the old system, registered Democrats and Republicans in legislative primaries without a candidate from their party would have been completely locked out from weighing in on who should advance to the general election. In Alaska’s nonpartisan primary system, Democrats could choose their favorite (or least disliked) Republican. And Republicans faced with a slate of Democrats could do the same.  

Alaska’s nonpartisan open primaries helped balance the state’s political leadership 

The 2022 election results in Alaska wouldn’t have been particularly remarkable in the 1990s. Back then, fewer than 20 states elected governments controlled exclusively by a single party, meaning both chambers of the legislature and the governorship, according to Ballotpedia. But today, despite more Americans than ever identifying as independent, a single party controls the governorship, state House, and state Senate in all but 10 states.   

Alaska is one of the shrinking number of states with a surviving multipartisan government. Bipartisan majority coalitions lead both the House and Senate in the 60-member state legislature. And open primaries helped propel the largest number of independents into the state legislature in history by removing the barriers for them to run against major party candidates. The statewide winners similarly reflect Alaska’s multipartisan political culture. Gov. Dunleavy is one of the most conservative governors in the country. US Sen. Murkowski is an independent-leaning Republican. US Rep. Peltola is a moderate Democrat. 

Alaska’s previous semi-closed primary model sent candidates on to the general election who weren’t always as popular with the whole electorate. It denied voters the chance to consider candidates who enjoyed more widespread support. Allowing all Alaska voters to give every candidate equal consideration in the primaries appeared to lay the foundation for a more politically diverse and less partisan set of leaders. Other states looking to ensure full participation for independent voters, improve fairness in primary elections, and give voters more choice and influence may find some inspiration here.

 

Correction: A previous version of this article stated that there were 39 Alaska state Senate and House races in the 2022 midterm elections. The correct number is 59.

Washington’s 2024 Short-Session Housing Wins

Find audio versions of Sightline articles on any of your favorite podcast platforms, including Spotify, Google, and Apple.

Washington lawmakers racked up some solid wins for housing abundance this year, passing bills to legalize co-living homes, increase parking flexibility, and revamp building codes for middle housing. 

These wins overcame the challenges of both a “short session” (only two-months long) and the risk of complacency following 2023, which became known as Washington’s “year of housing” in recognition of all the bills passed to help reduce the state’s housing shortage. 

Indeed, 2024 was not without casualties. Three bills to boost housing supply that didn’t survive: HB 1245 to legalize house lot splitting, HB 2160 to allow more homes near transit, and HB 2113 to establish local accountability for housing production. And the legislature still has much work to do on the other two pillars of housing policy: stability for tenants and subsidy for below-market rate homes. 

Still, in 2024, Washington achieved more on zoning reform bills than in any previous year other than 2023. And the debate and coalition building around the bills that died will create a more solid foundation for progress on them next year.  

Here’s a cheat sheet for the three key bills that passed, followed by sections digging into the details on each.  

  • HB 1998 establishes a new best-in-the-US standard for statewide zoning reform to allow co-living homes, which are small apartments with shared kitchens. Co-living is a low-cost housing option requiring no public subsidy that most cities have all but regulated out of existence.  
  • SB 6015 creates new statewide standards to give builders more flexibility in complying with local parking mandates. The first stand-alone parking bill ever passed in Washington, its reforms will make homebuilding easier and less expensive—especially for middle housing and accessory dwellings. 
  • HB 2071 sets in motion a process to modify the residential building codes so that it can apply to the construction of middle housing projects up to six units. It’s a critical cost-saving follow-up to 2023’s HB 1110 that legalized middle housing. 

Co-living homes: Naturally affordable, flexible, and community-forward  

Co-living homes are a low-cost, multifamily housing option in which each resident has a small, private room and shares with other building residents a common kitchen and other spaces. Policymakers also refer to it as single-room occupancy (SRO), congregate housing, or rooming houses.  Rents in newly constructed, market-rate co-living homes in the Puget Sound region can be affordable to people earning as low as 50 percent of area median income, without any public subsidy.  

Co-living was once far more common. In the 1950s, it accounted for up to 10 percent of the rental stock in some US cities. Soon after that, however, local governments began adopting restrictive zoning and other rules that increasingly banned co-living, both new and old, and its numbers plummeted.  

In a first for any US state, last year Oregon passed legislation to legalize co-living homes on all residential lots in urban areas. A weakness in Oregon’s bill, though, is that it doesn’t apply a co-living-specific method for counting its units—i.e., counting their “sleeping units” as fractions of standard “dwelling unit” apartments that they are so as to fit well within designated residential zones.

Washington’s co-living bill, HB 1998, raises the bar by establishing this better-suited unit-counting method and by establishing other guardrails to prevent cities from indirectly preventing co-living development. Here’s what it does (see this article for more details): 

  • Requires cities and counties to allow co-living homes everywhere that they allow multifamily housing with six or more units per lot on land inside urban growth areas (the six units aligns with the middle housing bill HB 1110) 
  • Prohibits a sleeping unit from counting as more than one-quarter of a dwelling unit for density limits 
  • Eliminates parking mandates within a ½-mile of a transit stop with at least 15-minute service; otherwise, caps mandates at 1 space per 4 sleeping units  
  • Caps sewer connection fees per sleeping unit at one-half of what’s charged for a standard dwelling unit 
  • Prohibits requirements for inclusion of standard apartments or commercial spaces, and for unfairly stringent design standards or review processes 
  • Cities and counties must comply by the end of 2025  

From 2014 to 2016 in Seattle, co-living homes accounted for fully 1 in 11 of total new homes built, before the city’s ill-advised raft of new restrictions effectively killed off co-living construction. Based on that precedent, by a conservative estimate the reforms required by the co-living bill could yield two to three thousand additional homes per year statewide in Washington. 

“This is a big step forward for affordable housing,” said Washington State Senator and sponsor of the bill Jesse Salomon. “We have seen a worrisome rise in senior homelessness, and many of our young adults are unable to afford housing near work or school. Co-living can offer clean, safe housing and a sense of community for people.” 

How co-living earned fast, strong bipartisan passage 

HB 1998 passed 96-0 in the House and 44-4 in the Senate, and on March 19, Governor Inslee signed it into law—a marvel in a short session that often becomes a bill-killing pressure cooker and for a bill whose central idea was brand new to legislators. Typically, legislators need at least a year or more to get comfortable voting for new bill concepts.  

Amendments slightly weakened a few of HB 1998’s original guardrails, but the most important provisions on density and parking—usually lightning rods for opposition—were untouched and remained strong. Where local governments cap dwelling unit density, the bill requires them to raise that cap by a factor of four for sleeping unit density. The parking mandate reductions are arguably the strongest parking reforms yet passed in Washington. 

So why did things go so well for HB 1998? Here are some factors that helped it sail through unscathed:  

  • Strong champions in both chambers: Representative Mia Gregerson and Senator Jesse Salomon both began working on the bill during the interim and collaborated closely all through the process. 
  • Bipartisanship: Representative Andrew Barkis, the Republican caucus’s leading voice on housing policy, engaged from the get-go on developing the bill with his colleagues across the aisle. 
  • It’s about bringing something back: The bill “re-legalizes” a type of housing that was once more common, and history shows that it provided an important, low-cost option. 
  • It can be good option for seniors: AARP supported the bill because co-living is a great option for single seniors who want to downsize, age in their communities, and benefit from the increased social interaction typical in co-living buildings.   
  • It provides unsubsidized affordable housing: Market-rate co-living rent is often as low as rents in standard below-market-rate apartments that require significant public subsidy. 
  • A strong coalition: HB 1998 enjoyed a broad coalition of support from housing, environmental, community, business, and builder advocates (see list here). Opposition was pretty much non-existent. Even the Association of Washington Cities (AWC), which historically has vehemently opposed any bill that supersedes local control of zoning, didn’t raise a fuss. 

Increased parking flexibility for housing by counting spaces people already use 

Most parking reform legislation aims to reduce requirements for new homes to include a pre-determined number of off-street parking spaces. SB 6015 is different. It instead gives builders more options on how to provide the parking local governments require. Not only was SB 6015 Washington’s first stand-alone parking reform bill to pass; it also establishes a model for statewide reform of local rules for parking configurations. 

“…If it’s a parking spot, it should count as a parking spot.”


Tweet This

Senator Sharon Shewmake (D-Bellingham) stepped up to be the prime sponsor for this new approach. “This is not a bill getting rid of parking minimums,” she said. “The general idea is that if it’s a parking spot, it should count as a parking spot.”   

By setting state standards on what cities must count toward their parking mandates, SB 6015 reduces unnecessary expenses that overly prescriptive parking rules can add to housing construction. In some cases, this added flexibility on parking nuts and bolts can enable homebuilding that otherwise would have been impossible. SB 6015 will make it easier to build middle housing in particular, because it tends to have such tight geometrical constraints. 

Here’s what SB 6015 does in all cities and counties planning under Washington’s Growth Management Act: 

  • Prohibits requirements for parking spaces to be enclosed in a garage  
  • Allows existing gravel parking lots with up to six spaces to fully count toward parking minimums (paving not required)  
  • Allows parking areas to be surfaced with grass block pavers 
  • Allows space saving tandem parking spaces (where one car parks behind another) to fully count toward minimums  
  • Prohibits requirements for parking spaces to be larger than 8 by 20 feet (excepting accessible spaces) and grandfathers the legality of existing spaces regardless of their size 
  • Requires that if parking minimums and tree preservation requirements conflict for a homebuilding project, the tree rules take precedence; applies only to cities with over 6,000 residents (this provision was amended out of HB 2071 and later amended into SB 6015) 
  • Entirely exempts a one-mile radius around the airport in the city of SeaTac (by the city’s request), piggybacking off of the same exemption in the 2023 middle housing bill

At SB 6015’s hearings, builders testified on why the bill’s reforms would matter. “My work is made much more difficult by inflexible parking requirements that prioritize cars over people,” homebuilder Keven Maas told lawmakers. Mount Vernon, where he lives, requires a two-car garage with every new house, in most cases. For a duplex, the mandate balloons to two double garages.  

“On small infill lots, I find there’s enough room on the ground floor to build a bedroom for two people or a bedroom for two cars, but not both.”


Tweet This

Not only does a garage add about $50,000 to the cost of construction, it also can make the homes less accessible. “On small infill lots, I find there’s enough room on the ground floor to build a bedroom for two people or a bedroom for two cars, but not both,” Maas said. “Garages can’t go upstairs, so we make people climb stairs.” SB 6105 will enable more new homes with bedrooms on the ground floor, a preference Maas anticipates will increase along with Washington’s growing senior population.  

A common scenario in which allowing tandem parking can make a big difference is with standard house driveways. Local rules often do not allow tandem parking in driveways to count toward the lot’s off-street quota for anything other than detached homes or duplexes. In particular, that can be a deal breaker for infill housing, including backyard cottages and other accessory dwelling units (ADUs), where the only space available to add parking spaces is an existing driveway.  

Large apartment buildings can also benefit. The 280-unit Arete co-living building in downtown Kirkland has 192 tandem stalls in its underground parking garage. Management pairs residents who want to share a tandem space for a reduced price. According to Arete’s developer Angela Rozmyn, who testified in support of SB 6015, tandem parking consumes 12 to 15 percent less garage space than standard single stalls. In Arete, that enabled elimination of one-half of a garage level, reducing costs for steel, concrete, and excavation. The costly, time-consuming city waiver process Rozmyn had to go through to put in tandem parking will be a thing of the past under SB 6015

As for its path through the legislature, SB 6015 passed on a nearly partisan 30-19 vote in the Senate, followed by a bipartisan 96-1 vote in the House. The passed version was missing several provisions in the bill as introduced that were opposed by the AWC and amended out by the Senate Local Government committee. One would have allowed on-street parking in front of a lot to count toward the lot’s off-street parking minimums—likely the most impactful part of the original bill. Another would have allowed parking in property setbacks to count. 

Not all cities agreed with the AWC on watering down the original bill. Vancouver, the fourth-largest Washington city, proposed the bill remove parking minimums for middle housing altogether. “Vancouver supports this bill,” Councilmember Ty Stober testified, “but quite frankly it does not go far enough in releasing our state from the shackles of parking.”  

Better building codes: A necessary follow-up to 2023’s HB 1110 for middle housing 

HB 2071 gets at a key piece of the housing policy puzzle that hasn’t gotten as much attention as zoning: building codes. Building codes are essential for making sure housing doesn’t fall over or burn down, but in some cases, they needlessly add construction costs.  

In most jurisdictions, the residential building code applies to single-detached houses and duplexes. But for triplexes and up, builders must adhere to the far more stringent commercial building code—the same code that was designed to regulate skyscrapers. Requiring such an onerous and expensive code for middle housing is overkill, given how it’s the same wood frame construction type and scale as a house. What’s more, as with exclusionary zoning, a century ago some advocates for more onerous building codes on multifamily housing were motivated by their desire to ban apartment buildings

Building code reform for middle housing has recently started getting more attention. Last year saw the first statewide reform when North Carolina passed HB 488, instructing the Building Code Council to modify the residential code for up to fourplexes. In 2022, Memphis and Shelby County, Tennessee, became the first major US jurisdictions to move middle housing into the residential building code, but the change has been on hold due to concerns from the state fire marshals. Tennessee currently has a state bill in play. In January of 2024, Anchorage, Alaska, passed the third in a series of ordinances that remove from their regulations various barriers to triplexes and fourplexes and align their middle housing building codes with the less onerous residential building code. 

In 2023, Washington passed HB 1110 to make sure zoning allows middle housing, but the cost and hassle of the commercial building code is still a big barrier to it actually getting built. To address that issue, in the same session, Representative Davina Duerr introduced a bill,HB 1167, that would have instructed the State Building Code Council (SBCC) to modify the residential building code so that it applies to middle housing with up to six units. The bill was uncontroversial, passing 95-0 in the House, but then died when the Senate declined to give it a floor vote.  

In 2024, Rep. Duerr came back with HB 2071, which repeats HB 1167’s language on applying the residential code to middle housing. It was a mixed bag on bipartisanship, passing 63-34 in the House and 36-13 in the Senate. 

HB 2071 also includes a second building code reform intended to enable the construction of low-cost, efficiently designed, small studio apartments. The bill instructs the SBCC to evaluate a reduction of the minimum habitable space for studios. As described in this article, the widely used International Building Code arbitrarily prohibits small, efficient home designs. The bill’s intent is for Washington to reduce its minimum habitable space to align with the National Healthy Housing Standard. 

The original bill’s allowance for external insulation for Passive House retrofits and construction to extend into setbacks was unfortunately amended out in committee. And its provision to prioritize tree protection over parking mandates was amended into SB 6015 (see above). 

In 2024, Washington also passed a related bill to streamline the process for improving the state building code. SB 6291 updates SBCC rules for amendment criteria, timelines, adoption cycle, councilmember selection, and technical advisory groups. 

Onward to 2025 

While the success of Washington’s 2023 legislative session earned it widespread praise as the “Year of Housing,” the work was far from done. Lawmakers in 2024 followed up with more, complementing 2023’s wins with bills to re-legalize co-living homes, allow more flexibility in how cities meet parking mandates, and update building codes to permit more middle housing options.  

Not enough progress to qualify as “Year of Housing 2.0” as some had hoped, but solid progress, especially given the limits of a short session. And the work on housing bills that died will keep the momentum building for next year and beyond—to unlock more homes, in all shapes and sizes, for Washingtonians throughout the state. We’ve not seen the last of bills on transit-oriented development, lot splitting, parking, housing production accountability, and more. 

Washingtonians Will Soon Enjoy Cleaner Heating and Cooling Options

Find audio versions of Sightline articles on any of your favorite podcast platforms, including Spotify, Google, and Apple.

The possibility of connecting your home or business to a clean heating and cooling network could be coming to your neighborhood soon.  

Washington lawmakers have opened up a new realm of climate-friendly business opportunities for the state’s energy utilities. With the unanimous passage of House Bill 2131, introduced by Representative Alex Ramel (D-40), electric and gas utilities may now sell thermal energy, delivered via a thermal energy network (TEN); gas utilities can win grants for the first TENs pilots; and neighborhood-wide decarbonization with TENs can take off. (Note: this policy is not to be confused with geothermal energy, which the state will also be exploring thanks to Senate Bill 6039.) 

“The innovation proposed in this bill is to work with gas utilities—companies that already install pipe, manage rights of way, distribute energy to buildings, and work under the regulatory authority of the UTC,” said Rep. Ramel. “The skill sets and talents of those trained workforces can have an important role to play in decarbonizing our building energy system.” 

In line with Washington’s 2023 Biennial Energy Report, which recommended that natural gas utilities plan for the long-term transition to clean heat, this new law will smooth the way for transitioning buildings across the state off of fossil fuels and onto highly efficient, zero-carbon, thermal energy networks. Washington is now the fifth state to pass legislation to allow or mandate that utilities pilot thermal energy networks, and it’s the first to remove legal barriers for neighborhood-wide decarbonization. 

Thermal energy networks use a network of water pipes and ground-source heat pumps to transfer heat in and out of buildings to provide heating, cooling, and often, domestic hot water. Buildings on the network can exchange heat with a number of hyper-local, non-combusting, non-emitting energy sources—whatever is available nearby. Sources could include lakes and rivers, energy-intensive buildings like data centers, wastewater systems, or the stable temperature of the ground just a few yards down. And these networks can be designed for any size and can scale up over time, starting as small as two buildings sharing thermal energy and growing to full community-sized or regional-sized systems.  

Illustration of how water circulation is shared through connected buildings

Figure 1: Water circulates through a shared network of pipes to deliver thermal energy to heat pumps in connected buildings. Source: Building Decarbonization Coalition

Thermal energy networks are a win for the climate, electric grids, pipeline workers, and Washington families  

A recent US Department of Energy study examined the electric grid impacts of various decarbonization approaches and found that decarbonizing with ground-source heat pumps was the best electric grid cost reduction strategy, reducing transmission line expansion requirements by over a third and generation requirements by 13 percent.


Thermal energy networks can solve some thorny challenges of the clean energy transition: electric grid expansion, gas pipeline workforce redeployment, and equitable access to clean energy. Which helps explain why some unusual bedfellows—building and construction unions, environmental nonprofits, gas utilities, and grassroots activists—all advocated for advancing this policy in Olympia this year. 

One of the most striking benefits of TENs is their modest impact on the electric grid due to their ultra-high efficiency. Washington already faces a formidable challenge in trying to build enough electric transmission and generation to power its clean energy transition. A recent US Department of Energy study examined the electric grid impacts of various decarbonization approaches and found that decarbonizing with ground-source heat pumps was the best electric grid cost reduction strategy, reducing transmission line expansion requirements by over a third and generation requirements by 13 percent.  An earlier study examined the impact to electricity demand of various building electrification scenarios for space conditioning and found that TENs using ground-source heat pumps were the best option for minimizing demand on the electric grid.  

Figure 2: US monthly total electricity demand by sector and projected changes to total building energy demand under different building electrification scenarios. Solid area represents the 2010-2022 demand on the US electric grid from buildings. Dashed lines (labeled by Sightline) represent the projected electricity demand from buildings if fossil fuel end-uses are replaced by four different electrification approaches: electric resistance heat, air-source heat pumps, ground-source heat pumps, and TENs using ground-source heat pumps. Source: Buonocore, J.J., Salimifard, P., Magavi, Z. et al. Inefficient Building Electrification Will Require Massive Buildout of Renewable Energy and Seasonal Energy Storage. Sci Rep 12, 11931 (2022).

Gas workers and their labor unions have been worried about how electrification efforts could eliminate their high-quality, living-wage jobs. Yet TENs offer a pathway for these workers to redeploy with little or no retraining, applying the same skills and expertise used for gas pipelines to the water pipes that carry clean thermal energy. With utilities now able to enter this business, utility workers can even be assured of career continuity with the same employer. That’s why labor unions across the state, including the UA Plumbers and Pipefitters union, which represents gas pipeline workers, logged their support for this bill.  

Thermal energy networks also offer communities equitable access to clean heating and cooling. This technology can be scaled up over time to transition entire communities, block by block, to clean thermal energy. Since these shared networks pass by every building on the block, neighbors of all income levels, including renters, can tap into the system, much the same way the gas pipeline system has been available to communities over the past century. But unlike a gas pipeline, a TEN pipeline supplies not just space heat in the cold winters but also air conditioning for the increasingly hot summers, without any additional equipment. 

Pilot and grant program advantages gas utilities 

Washington’s House Bill 2131 opens the door for any energy utility, electric or gas, public or private, to sell thermal energy. Gas utilities however, with their steep decarbonization mandates and skilled pipeline workforce, may be in the strongest position to pursue thermal energy networks.  

To support the initial thermal energy network projects, the bill authorizes the Department of Commerce to administer a $25 million grant program for the state’s six gas utilities. Thanks to this investment, TENs pilots will be prioritized for communities suffering from high air pollution levels and other health disparities, and for areas that could allow for decommissioning gas pipelines or forgo replacing aging pipes. Gas utilities will have until spring 2025 to propose a TEN pilot project, with the expectation that the first projects will go live by the end of 2026.  

Already, a handful of utilities in other states have proposed thermal energy network pilots, with the first projects underway in two Massachusetts communities. Encompassing a few dozen buildings, these Boston-area, gas utility-led TEN projects are using networked geothermal to provide heating and cooling to existing buildings. The Massachusetts pilots have prioritized technology and program design research and gas demand reduction. 

At least one utility in Washington, Avista, has considered a thermal energy network pilot. The project, which would have connected 25 homes and a community center in an eastern Washington community that uses electric resistance heat, was proposed for a Department of Energy Improvement in Rural or Remote Areas grant in 2023, although the grant application was ultimately unsuccessful.  

Up until this year’s passage of HB 2131, Avista could not have owned and led these types of projects itself. Instead, the utility would have been a bystander in the construction, operations, and ownership of the TEN, hoping to learn by watching others implement the project. Now, Avista can take a more active position in these types of projects. 

Thermal energy networks enable neighborhood-wide decarbonization with gas pipeline decommissioning 

In Washington, as in the rest of the United States, utilities do not have the option of picking their customers. If a customer desires utility service and is willing to pay the published rates, the utility must furnish that service, even if it is costly or inconvenient. This policy, called “obligation to serve,” is one of the daunting barriers to managing the costs of our energy transition. If just one household on the block refuses to drop its gas connection, the utility is unable to decommission the segment of pipe and wipe out the costs associated with operating and maintaining it.  

Thanks to Washington’s new law, though, the first of its kind in the United States, the state’s gas utilities can now install a thermal energy network and meet their obligation to serve with this climate-friendly alternative to gas. This update to the “obligation to serve” statute could save gas ratepayers hundreds of millions of dollars as Washington’s gas utilities contemplate how to address hundreds of miles of aging gas pipelines. Long-lived assets like new gas pipelines, which have service lives of 55 years or more, will need to be retired before 2050 to meet Washington’s net-zero carbon emission targets, likely wasting millions of dollars. Instead, gas utilities could make a TEN available in lieu of replacing an aging gas pipe and give customers along the network ready access to clean thermal energy that can realize its entire service life. 

The path ahead 

Lawmakers have passed a powerful package of reforms for utilities to tackle building decarbonization. To reap the potential, though, utilities will have to start building out new business plans to transform into thermal utilities. Other states’ utilities have already broken ground on these innovations and so can offer lessons to their Washington counterparts.  

Which leaves a new question for residents of the Evergreen State: how soon will they see the gas company’s sales reps out knocking on doors to sign up customers for their first thermal energy network? 

Unlock Middle Housing with Parking Reform

Find audio versions of Sightline articles on any of your favorite podcast platforms, including Spotify, Google, and Apple.

In January 2024, the Washington Department of Commerce published model ordinances for cities that will be updating their zoning codes to include new state-legalized “middle housing,” from duplexes to sixplexes to cottages clustered around a shared courtyard. But when it came to parking minimums, the model ordinances sidestepped best-in-class policies to defer to status quo politics. In other words, unless your property is near a major transit stop, the state still recommends one or two parking spaces for every new home. 

That’s a problem, because between small lot sizes or navigating around an existing house, even one more parking spot is a bar that many middle housing projects just can’t clear.  

Daniel Parolek, who coined the term “missing middle housing,” has been saying this for years. “Requiring off-street parking has the biggest impact on small-lot residential infill,” Parolek wrote in his book Missing Middle Housing. It’s no surprise, then, that it’s the jurisdictions where off-street parking is voluntary for new backyard cottages that they’re sprouting up left and right.  

To truly restore the right to build a diversity of housing options, from duplexes to a mother-in-law apartment over the garage, cities need to free these future homes from the tangle of regulations governing parking spaces.  

This historic fourplex in Bellingham, Washington, only has one off-street parking space. Photo by Catie Gould.

This historic fourplex in Bellingham, Washington, only has one off-street parking space. Photo by Catie Gould.

On small lots, parking can be a big problem 

The problem with mandating off-street parking comes down to basic geometry. Cars take up a lot of space. 

For lots 7,500 square feet or smaller, Parolek writes, “the space needed to fit off-street parking on the site typically makes it physically impossible to provide the required amount of parking and get multiple units on the site. If an architect can make the parking fit, oftentimes there is not enough development potential to make the financial sense to pursue.” 

Parolek illustrates the difference. To make way for four parking spots, a future fourplex would need a parcel of land twice as large as the same fourplex without any off-street parking. 

From Missing Middle Housing by Daniel Parolek, Chapter 5: Missing Middle Housing Types, pages 130-131. Copyright © 2020 Daniel Parolek. Reproduced by permission of Island Press, Washington, D.C.

From Missing Middle Housing by Daniel Parolek, Chapter 5: Missing Middle Housing Types, pages 130-131. Copyright © 2020 Daniel Parolek. Reproduced by permission of Island Press, Washington, D.C.

The real estate needed to park a car far exceeds the asphalt it sits atop. Driveways and additional space for a car to turn around on-site take can cover a large fraction of a lot’s buildable area. David Foster, an architect in Tacoma, Washington, illustrated how just reducing driveway widths from 20 feet to 10 feet could grow a housing project from three homes to four, even while maintaining a parking space for each one.

Giving builders flexibility around narrower driveways would allow more homes to be built on any given lot. Image by David Foster. Used with permission.

Giving builders flexibility around narrower driveways would allow more homes to be built on any given lot. Image by David Foster. Used with permission.

When designing around an existing home, even finding room for one more parking space can be an impossible task. Last year, when Kent, Washington, was updating its zoning codes for accessory dwelling units (ADUs, a.k.a. backyard cottages or granny flats), it made a startling discovery. Eighty-five percent1The city report misstated this value as 95%. Corrected by Kristen Holdsworth, Long Range Planning Manager, City of Kent, private communication, Jan 10, 2024. of single detached homes couldn’t build an ADU because of the additional parking space required—one reason why less than 30 of these lower-cost housing options have been built there since 1995. Regulations on parking location, driveway widths, and curb cuts all ate away at possible parking options until they devoured the feasibility of a new home.  

The majority of residential properties [in orange] in Kent’s Greenfield Park neighborhood cannot add the one parking space required for an accessory dwelling unit. Image by Cast Architecture. Used with permission.

The majority of residential properties [in orange] in Kent’s Greenfield Park neighborhood cannot add the one parking space required for an accessory dwelling unit. Image by Cast Architecture. Used with permission.

With most homeowners unable to physically add parking, the city changed course instead. By reversing a policy of not counting garage spaces towards the parking requirement, homeowners found themselves with double the number of legal parking spots overnight. No bulldozers required. 

The secret ingredient to abundant backyard cottages? Parking flexibility 

In place after place that has granted flexibility over parking, property owners have taken up the opportunity with gusto. For instance, since Seattle eliminated parking mandates for backyard cottages in 2019, permit applications have more than tripled. 

Seattle’s jump in permitted ADUs since off-street parking became optional. Data from: Accessory Dwelling Units, 2022 Annual Report, City of Seattle.

Seattle’s jump in permitted ADUs since off-street parking became optional. Data from: Accessory Dwelling Units, 2022 Annual Report, City of Seattle.

Meanwhile in California, one in seven new homes is now an ADU. Between 2016, the last year Golden State cities could require parking for all ADUs, and 2022, permits for these more budget-friendly dwellings increased over 15,000 percent. And though California has not lifted parking minimums for ADUs outright, the list of exceptions (homes near public transit, in historic districts, no replacement parking required for garage conversions, etc.) covers a vast swath of properties. 

ADU growth in California after state law exempted many properties from parking minimums in 2016 and further in 2019. Chart from: California ADU Reform: A Retrospective, California YIMBY.

ADU growth in California after state law exempted many properties from parking minimums in 2016 and further in 2019. Chart from: California ADU Reform: A Retrospective, California YIMBY.

Prior to Seattle’s code change, the requirement to create an additional parking space for a new backyard cottage killed most potential projects, recalled Erich Armbruster, an infill builder in Seattle. “It’s not just a place where a car can park; it’s a code-compliant parking space.” On a lot that is 40 or 50 feet wide, there just wasn’t room to get a car past the existing house to the backyard. Only once, Armbruster could recall, was a neighbor willing to sell a few feet of their abutting yard so a homeowner could make room for a driveway. “After the 2019 code passed and we could just have one parking stall per site [total], it became much more feasible to do this. It really unlocked our ability to build.” 

One of the first to utilize the 2019 code change that nixed the parking mandate for ADUs in Seattle was Mark Mohrlang’s family. As a pastor, Mohrlang knew people who struggled with housing and that Seattle lacked affordable options. The extra income could also help support his growing family, as his wife was then pregnant with a second child. Mark and his wife had already started scoping the home’s feasibility as the ordinance was heading towards city council. They decided to wait for the new rules, which allowed for a larger dwelling and made a driveway optional. This change, by which they could forego the driveway, also let them preserve the site’s large trees and instead provide a walking path to the gravel parking already in front. They broke ground in 2020 with a 3-bed, 1.5-bath home that they now rent to a single mother and her two children.    

Mohrlang’s backyard cottage was one of the first detached ADUs permitted after Seattle’s 2019 code change that made off-street parking optional. Photo by Mark Mohrlang. Used with permission.

Mohrlang’s backyard cottage was one of the first detached ADUs permitted after Seattle’s 2019 code change that made off-street parking optional. Photo by Mark Mohrlang. Used with permission.

How much ‘middle housing’ will go missing because of parking mandates? 

It’s difficult to know exactly how many ADUs go unbuilt because of parking mandates—or how many spring to life due to their absence. Optional parking is just one factor of many that makes middle housing feasible. Cities like Seattle typically amend multiple rules in one ordinance, so a perfect before-and-after comparison is impossible. However, a 2017 survey of California cities found that jurisdictions receiving ADU permit applications at least once a month were twice as likely to have no parking mandates than their peers who received applications less often. 

“The middle-housing, ADU conversation is recent enough there isn’t a lot of data on this,” said Kol Peterson, author the book Backdoor Revolution, about building ADUs. Despite the lack of hard numbers, though, Peterson has no doubt that eliminating parking mandates is essential to unlocking more backyard cottages. “In the hundreds of ADUs that I’ve been to—I’ve probably been to 500—I’ve never once seen someone build an off-street parking spot.” 

Planners from two Washington cities confirmed that, given the option, most homeowners choose not to add more parking while building an ADU. In Port Townsend, 7 of the 8 ADUs built in 2023 didn’t add a parking spot. Neither did 17 of the 24 ADUs permitted in Olympia in 2022. 

Portland, Oregon, is one of the few cities tracking how much off-street parking homebuilders have voluntarily added for duplexes, triplexes, and fourplexes, which the city legalized in 2021. Early data from the first year after the new rules went into effect indicated 79 percent of the new homes permitted forewent off-street parking, including the vast majority of fourplexes. 

79% of new homes permitted through Portland's middle housing legalization opted not to build parking
Barriers persist even when builders do want to add parking 

Even when parking is fully optional, small-scale builders still wrestle with how to accommodate the parking they want to provide with codes that weren’t written with housing types in mind beyond the single detached house. 

“It’s not just the parking spaces themselves and the space that they consume, but all the public works improvements that come with that,” explained Ben Wharton, a homebuilder in Spokane, Washington. “Stormwater and alley improvements—those two things can burden a project so much that it becomes infeasible at a small scale,” he said. Detached homes are exempt. 

These expenses recently scuttled a fourplex that Wharton was working on in Spokane. To build four family-sized units with a covered parking stall for each, the city was going to require his firm to improve the alley by paving it, a $90,000 expense. “We had to pull the plug and reassess,” Wharton said. “Any requirement is going to disproportionately impact small projects. If you have 150 units, you can absorb a lot of that [cost]. A 4-unit building can’t.”  

Just keeping existing driveways can be a challenge, as local architect Dylan Lamar in Eugene, Oregon, found out. In Eugene, like in many cities, properties with three or more homes are subject to stricter rules governing parking location than a single detached house. That’s been a headache for one project he has underway that would add four new homes to the backyard of an existing house, one of which would be fully accessible. 

This driveway is not legally recognized as a parking spot. Photo by Dylan Lamar. Used with permission.

This driveway is not legally recognized as a parking spot. Photo by Dylan Lamar. Used with permission.

When we initially spoke in June 2023, Lamar was considering applying for a variance to merely keep the driveway for the future tenant with accessibility needs. Having parking out front is fine for a detached house, according to city code, but as the number of homes increases, parking has to be located around back, out of sight. Without enough clearance between the house and the property line, no driveway to the back could fit. His options were to fight for this one space or have no off-street parking at all. 

Lamar was spared that expensive and time-consuming process, though, by a technical detail. This driveway led to a garage, so the city didn’t legally consider it a parking spot in its own right—bad if Lamar needed to fulfill a parking mandate, but good in this case. His close call shows how local regulations have lagged behind statewide reforms in furnishing builders with the flexibility they need to open up more middle housing options for Oregonians. 

Still, Lamar told Sightline last July, under Eugene’s 2022 city code that required an off-street parking space for every home, the project wouldn’t have had a prayer. State leaders’ action that legalized middle housing and made parking optional unlocked four more homes for Eugene families in Lamar’s project—and untold more in others since.

Getting it right: The middle housing–parking connection 

The efforts to restore middle housing and lift parking mandates must go hand in hand.  

Despite the Washington legislature’s laudable strides to allow more middle housing, the persistence of outdated parking mandates will continue to undercut homeowners’ ability to construct them. Even a small-sounding requirement for a couple of parking spaces can be impossible for small properties to fulfill. To unlock the full potential of small-scale homes, there is no policy debate: parking minimums have to go. 

With each step towards parking flexibility, we move closer to building vibrant, sustainable communities where everyone has a place to call home.