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Event: Seattle’s Vibrant Ethnic Media

Update 2/20/16: Thanks for everyone who attended this event! Check out our digital ethnic media toolkit here. 

Update 2/15/16: Due to overwhelming interest, we are moving the event to a larger location. The event will now be at Impact Hub Seattle

How do we reach the Rising American Electorate, message to diverse communities, and be culturally competent while doing so?

If you have thought about these questions, then ethnic media is worth your attention.

Cascadia is a hub for cultural diversity. King County, Cascadia’s most populous county, is also one of the most diverse: the county’s foreign-born population has increased 64 percent since 2000, and residents speak over 170 different languages. Given these demographics, it is critical for Cascadia to look at ways to make sure these communities are being served by the press and to provide support for local ethnic media outlets. (There are more than 80 ethnic media outlets in Seattle!)

To help raise the visibility of this often overlooked but large media sector, Sightline Institute is partnering with the Communications Hub at Fuse, Latina Creative Agency, Washington CAN, and Crosscut to present perspectives from expert communicators and members of the media.

Join us Friday, February 19, at Impact Hub Seattle for a panel discussion about Seattle’s vibrant ethnic media outlets. Meet members of Seattle’s ethnic media community, hear from experts on engaging with ethnic media, and learn best practices for adapting messaging to resonate with ethnic communities. Leave with a toolkit that includes press kits, ad rates, contact information, and useful tips for utilizing ethnic media.

  • What: Seattle’s Vibrant Ethnic Media—A Discussion
  • When: Friday, February 19, 9:30 AM – 12:30 PM
  • Where: The Impact Hub Seattle (map)
  • Tickets: The event is free and open to the public. Space is limited, so please RSVP here.

Panelists:

  • Joaquin Uy, City of Seattle Ethnic Media and Communications Specialist
  • Mohamud Yussuf, Editor of Runta News
  • Sian Wu, Former Board Member of International Examiner
  • Chris Bennett Jr, Co-Publisher and Editor of Seattle Medium
  • Teresa Monzon Jones, Multi-Media Sales Executive at Univision
  • Travis Quezon, Editor of International Examiner
  • Martha Montoya, Publisher at El Mundo
  • Amalia Martino, Co-Founder of Latina Creative Agency

Moderated by Roberta Romero (longtime reporter on KING 5 News)

Big thanks to Crosscut and KCTS 9 for their media partnership and generous support!

ethnic flyer-06

Ethnic media updated flyer by Latina Creative Agency (Used with permission.)

 

Here Are All the Northwest Cities, Governments, and Organizations That Oppose Oil Trains

Editor’s note: This article is cross-posted with permission from Oil Check Northwest.

Across the Pacific Northwest, residents are talking about the growing risks from oil train traffic in their communities. The numerous derailments and fiery disasters since oil-by-rail became the go-to form of transportation for Bakken shale oil has many speaking out about concerns for public safety and health.

There are new projects currently seeking permits in Vancouver, Grays Harbor, and Longview, Washington; refineries increasing capacity in Anacortes, Washington; and a facility already in operation in Port Westward, Oregon. The trains run the length of Washington State, cutting across the Columbia River and through some of the region’s largest population centers.

This regional conversation came to a head last week with the first public hearings for the proposed Tesoro Savage oil-by-rail facility. With capacity to bring in 360,000 barrels per day, it would be the largest facility in North America. Between two hearings in Vancouver and Spokane, nearly 2,000 people showed up, the overwhelming majority in opposition. What’s more, over 275,000 people sent in public comments on the project, believed to be a record for Washington State.

Final delivery of public comment comes on the heels of Multnomah County formally opposing oil trains and officials with the Washington State Attorney’s office expressing deep concerns that the initial environmental impact statement downplayed risks to public safety and health.

With this swirl of public statements and voices of concern on oil trains, it can be difficult to get perspective on who has said what and what their statements mean. To that end we’ve created a map organizing all the formal statements against oil trains and highlighting who has spoken up and how strong their opposition was.

More on how Northwest communities are stopping coal and oil in their tracks.

We’ve broken them up into four categories (increasing from light to dark coloring):

  • determination of safety/careful analysis (lightest blue)
  • expression of concern or reconsideration
  • formal written opposition
  • request for moratorium or to decline permit (darkest blue)

There are a total of 3 counties, 11 major organizations, 29 cities, and the Quinault Nation that have officially voiced concern or outright opposition to oil trains in their communities. With groups ranging from the Washington State Council of Firefighters to the Columbia River Inter-Tribal Fish Commission, and cities stretching from Spokane and Aberdeen to Bellingham and Hood River (basically anywhere the trains would run), it’s clear how diverse and widespread public opposition is in both Oregon and Washington.

You can check out the full interactive and updated map here, as well as in table format below. As new cities and groups consider the risks, we will continue to add to that live map. You may also view the groups opposed in the table below.

Nick Abraham is the editor of Oil Check Northwest, a watchdog group focused on oil and coal’s influence in the region. He can be reached at nick@oilchecknw.com and at @oilchecknw.

 

City, County, Nation, or Organization

State

Position

Statement

Aberdeen WA formal written opposition to oil trains Link
Anacortes WA determination of safety/careful analysis Link
Auburn WA determination of safety/careful analysis Link
Bainbridge Island WA request for moratorium or to decline permit Link
Bellingham WA determination of safety/careful analysis Link
Bingen WA expression of concern or reconsideration Link
Camas WA expression of concern or reconsideration Link
Chehalis WA determination of safety/careful analysis Link
Clark County Democratic Central Committee WA formal written opposition to oil trains Link
Columbia River Gorge Commission WA request for moratorium or to decline permit Link
Columbia River Inter-Tribal Fish Commission OR formal written opposition to oil trains Link
Edmonds WA request for moratorium or to decline permit Link
Elma WA expression of concern or reconsideration Link
Grays Harbor County Democrats WA formal written opposition to oil trains Link
Hood River OR determination of safety/careful analysis Link
Hoquiam WA formal written opposition to oil trains Link
ILWU Local 4 WA formal written opposition to oil trains Link
Kent WA determination of safety/careful analysis Link
King County WA expression of concern or reconsideration Link
Montesano WA expression of concern or reconsideration Link
Mosier OR determination of safety/careful analysis Link
Mount Vernon WA determination of safety/careful analysis Link
Mukilteo WA determination of safety/careful analysis Link
Multnomah OR formal written opposition to oil trains Link
Ocean Shores WA formal written opposition to oil trains Link
Olympia WA request for moratorium or to decline permit Link
Port of Olympia WA expression of concern or reconsideration Link
Portland OR formal written opposition to oil trains Link
Quinault WA formal written opposition to oil trains Link
Rainier OR expression of concern or reconsideration Link
Scappoose OR determination of safety/careful analysis Link
Seattle WA request for moratorium or to decline permit Link
Skamania County Fire District 4 WA request for moratorium or to decline permit Link
Spokane WA determination of safety/careful analysis Link
Stevenson WA formal written opposition to oil trains Link
The Columbia Waterfront LLC WA formal written opposition to oil trains Link
The Dalles OR determination of safety/careful analysis Link
The Washington State Council of Firefighters WA expression of concern or reconsideration Link
The Washougal School District WA request for moratorium or to decline permit Link
Vancouver WA request for moratorium or to decline permit Link
Vancouver 101 Business Against Oil WA formal written opposition to oil trains Link
Washougal WA expression of concern or reconsideration Link
Westport WA formal written opposition to oil trains Link
Whatcom County WA determination of safety/careful analysis Link

Up next: oil trains in the Northwest, explained.

Your Three-Minute Introduction to Methanol in the Pacific Northwest

Methanol has been getting a lot of attention in the Pacific Northwest lately, and with good reason. Three methanol plants proposed along the Columbia River and Puget Sound could make our region the country’s top methanol producer and exporter, while heavily taxing our iconic water systems and upping our air and carbon pollution loads.

Sightline pulled together a quick cheat sheet on the projects to help the public get the facts about methanol in Cascadia. You are welcome to and encouraged to download, share, and print our infographic (it looks great even in grayscale).

Original Sightline Institute graphic, available under our free use policy.

Original Sightline Institute graphic, available under our free use policy.

 Editor’s note: A previous version of this graphic misstated several figures. We corrected them and updated our graphic at 3:45 PM Wednesday, February 10.

How Industry and Regulators Kept Public in the Dark After 2014 LNG Explosion in Washington

Nearly two years ago, an explosion and massive gas leak at a liquid natural gas (LNG) facility in Plymouth, Washington, thirty miles south of the Tri-Cities, injured five workers and forced hundreds of people to evacuate their homes. To this day, state and federal oversight agencies have not published the findings of their investigations into the accident, and the facts about what happened are almost completely unknown to the public.

Sightline’s research into the Plymouth LNG explosion reveals that the LNG industry is creating a false safety record, and current regulations allow the industry to do so. Though the accident released a dangerous LNG vapor cloud into residential areas, it didn’t meet the definition of “a threat to public safety,” and federal rules did not classify it as an LNG spill. Furthermore, facility owner Williams Pipeline Company (Williams) is still withholding key details about the accident.

Incomplete accounting of accidents slows safety improvements in the LNG industry and conceals critical information that could help keep first responders safe. It also makes it very difficult for local governments and the public to make informed decisions about where to permit proposed LNG facilities. Oregon and Washington are considering three LNG terminal proposals, and the events at Plymouth should inform both states’ analyses of those proposals.

What happened at Plymouth LNG?

LNG is simply natural gas that has been refrigerated to -260 degrees Fahrenheit. At this temperature, natural gas becomes liquid and condenses to 1/600th of the space it occupied as a gas. Cryogenic refrigeration allows plant operators to store large quantities of natural gas in tanks that could not otherwise hold such a large volume. If liquid natural gas is not kept extremely cold, it turns back to a gas. When a utility needs to use the LNG it has stored, workers simply pipe LNG out of the refrigerated storage tank and return its temperature to normal.

Plymouth is the largest LNG storage facility in the Pacific Northwest, boasting two 14.6 million gallon storage tanks. Shortly after 8:00 a.m. on March 31, 2014, gas processing equipment at Plymouth LNG exploded into a towering, mushroom-shaped cloud. Nearby residents saw flames shoot into the air, and people living three to six miles from the plant could feel the explosion. The blast sent 250 pounds of debris and shrapnel flying as far as 300 yards, damaging buildings and equipment and puncturing one of the large LNG storage tanks.

Shrapnel injured four of the fourteen employees on duty, and a fifth worker was hospitalized for burns. Debris from the blast also damaged the main rail line on the north side of the Columbia River, which delayed more than 40 trains before BNSF Railway completed repairs on Tuesday afternoon. (Sightline has previously calculated that on a typical day, several notoriously combustible oil trains traverse the route that passes by the Plymouth LNG facility.)

In the hours that followed, 14.3 million cubic feet of gas spewed from a large gash in the storage tank and other damaged equipment on site. Video and photos show vaporized LNG escaping from a puncture low on the tank. Williams says the damaged tank was only one-third full.

Fumes from the facility sickened residents and emergency responders and endangered the public. The leak formed a dangerous cloud of gas vapors, which an east wind pushed toward the town of Plymouth. Vapor clouds become more dangerous as they drift away from the site of the leak and mix with oxygen: at a 5 to 15 percent concentration, a vapor cloud that meets a spark or flame can catch fire and burn all the way back to the source. To protect public safety, state officials evacuated Plymouth LNG employees as well as residents within two miles of the facility. They shut down traffic on the nearby Columbia River, parts of Highway 14, and the rail lines near the plant, which helped reduce ignition sources for the escaping gas.

Emergency responders—there were more than 100 on the scene—had to wait for the wind to dissipate the natural gas before they could safely enter the facility and address the leak. The wait was drawn out by LNG’s extremely low temperature: the leak kept forming ice blockages over the hole in the tank. External temperatures would then melt the ice, and the leak would continue. Hazardous materials experts were finally able to enter the facility eight hours after the explosion.

A failure to report

Federal law requires operators of LNG plants or gas pipelines to report to the Pipeline and Hazardous Materials Safety Administration (PHMSA) any incident that causes an emergency shutdown, death, an overnight hospital stay, or property damage greater than $50,000. Companies must report to PHMSA within 30 days, and sometimes the safety agency asks for a supplemental report. Williams provided its initial report in May 2014 and prepared the supplemental report in December 2015—twenty-one months after the incident.

Despite this generous time frame, Williams Pipeline Company summed up the complex accident in just one paragraph, revealing that it was caused by “incorrect operation” of equipment. LNG facilities shut down for maintenance a couple of days per year, and operators purge gases from the equipment that helps cool natural gas into a liquid state. Yet on the day preceding the accident, the operators did not properly purge the equipment, so when employees started up the system on March 31, a mixture of gas and air auto-ignited inside the system, causing a rapid increase in pressure. Overpressurization exploded a unit of processing equipment along with some piping inside the plant, and flying shrapnel damaged adjacent buildings and equipment.

Here’s what the extraordinarily brief narrative does not say: According to a Benton County Fire Department captain, the shrapnel actually created two separate leaks in the LNG tank: one in the tank’s outer wall and one in a small pipe that connects to the bottom of the storage tank. LNG leaked from the pipe for over 24 hours until crews stopped the leak by shutting off a valve the next afternoon. Yet Williams’ report to federal officials only mentions the leak in the tank’s wall. Sightline pointed out this omission to a PHMSA official, who was not aware of the second leak.

The Williams narrative also leaves out other key information, including the size and location of the hole in the tank, whether the interior of the double-walled tank was punctured, and which equipment was damaged. As it turns out, these omitted pieces of information are critical to whether or not the accident can be officially classified as an LNG leak.

Most injuries are never recorded

According to federal rules, a person has to either die or stay overnight in a hospital for an injury sustained in an LNG accident to be considered significant. Since the four employees who were struck by flying debris were treated and released the same day, PHMSA doesn’t count their injuries. The only person whose injury counts as “significant” is the employee who was hospitalized for burns, so only one injury is listed in PHMSA’s official records.

No harms to the public will go on record either. Even though a resident who lived a quarter-mile from the plant reported smelling gas and said it was “making people sick,” and responding officers became nauseous at the scene, these harms will never become part of the official record because no members of the public were killed or hospitalized overnight.

The permissive accounting standards for LNG accidents give the industry license to distort its safety record by downplaying serious accidents like the one at Plymouth LNG. For example, a full 18 months after the Plymouth explosion, the Environmental Impact Statement (EIS) for the proposed Tacoma LNG facility claimed that only two LNG accidents in US history have resulted in adverse effects on the public: a 1944 disaster in Cleveland that killed 128 people and an industry-changing explosion at Cove Point, Maryland, in 1979.

It’s hard to imagine that the Plymouth accident was unknown to project backer Puget Sound Energy, which stored natural gas at Plymouth LNG at the time of the accident, or to the City of Tacoma, which prepared the Tacoma LNG EIS. Yet even Tacoma’s accounting is more thorough than what’s found in the safety analysis of Oregon LNG and Jordan Cove, two large LNG export proposals in Oregon for which the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission and the project backers claim that aside from the Cleveland accident, “the LNG industry has been free of safety-related incidents resulting in adverse effects on the public or the environment.”

Spill of LNG won’t count as LNG spill

In addition to not being considered a threat to public safety, the Plymouth LNG spill is not even considered an LNG spill. The data retrieved from PHMSA’s website states that even though 14,270 barrels (599,340 gallons) of LNG spilled, no LNG was lost. When Sightline contacted PHMSA about the apparent error in the report, an agency official responded that in fact no LNG was spilled at all. The official clarified that evaporated natural gas was spilled, not liquid natural gas.

Semantically, this is akin to saying that if you leave a glass of water outside and the water evaporates, then you have not lost any water, you’ve only lost water vapor. LNG becomes vaporized natural gas when it warms to a temperature above -260 degrees, so if the LNG has time to vaporize before it hits the ground, a company can say it didn’t spill any LNG.

But what about the second leak, the one Williams didn’t mention in its report to PHMSA? It’s possible that this leak was LNG that did not evaporate—that it was still liquid as it leaked out of the pipe. A spokesperson for Williams stated in April 2014 that leaking LNG froze the ground before warming up and evaporating into the atmosphere. We still don’t know whether investigative agencies will count the second leak as an LNG spill, or whether their reports will mention the second leak at all.

Neither PHMSA nor the Washington Utilities and Transportation Commission (UTC) has completed a report on the accident. PHMSA’s report will be published by the end of the second quarter of 2016, more than two years after the incident. Meanwhile, the UTC does not have any anticipated date for publishing its investigation. Both reports will likely be published only after Williams completes repairs to Plymouth LNG in April 2016.

Plymouth may still pose danger

As Williams Pipeline Company prepares to resume full service operations at Plymouth LNG, we still don’t know what happened in March 2014, and we don’t know something that’s equally important: how Williams repaired the damage. According to public documents available from the Washington UTC, the tanks at Plymouth are double-walled steel tanks built in the late 1970s, around the time the industry began to enhance the safety of LNG tanks by surrounding them with an exterior container made of concrete.  Plymouth LNG does not have these “full-containment” tanks, leaving the exterior wall of both LNG storage tanks exposed.

The damaged tank at Plymouth could be set to spill more LNG in the future. The interior wall of an LNG tank is made of 9 percent nickel steel, which can withstand extremely cold temperatures without becoming brittle. The exterior wall, however, is not made of a steel grade that stands up to the cold temperatures of LNG over time; its purpose is to help contain spilled LNG, but exposure to the thermal stress of LNG temperatures can crack and warp the outer wall. Now that the exterior wall has been damaged by a large gash and exposed to cryogenic temperatures, it’s important to know whether Williams simply patched the puncture or whether it completed more thorough fortifications on the damaged tank. It’s also important to know how much, if any, damage was sustained by the interior tank wall. While the exterior wall is visible, the interior wall is hidden, so any faults that might develop after the repair will also be hidden. As metallurgical and mechanical engineering firm Hoffmann Engineering noted in a 2007 report to the American Gas Association on aging LNG facilities, a tank failure “could be an isolated occurrence or the beginning of a series of failures.”

When companies don’t have to provide these details, the information that the LNG industry reports about safety at its facilities becomes completely unreliable. As more companies propose LNG terminals in the Pacific Northwest, who will parse the industry’s semantics to determine whether or not the industry is as safe as it claims to be? Under the current regulatory framework, towns and ports that lease land to LNG projects can’t possibly learn from prior mistakes when deciding which safety features they should require to protect nearby citizens. And as long as safety reports take two years to publish or lack key details, the public will lack the facts needed to make informed decisions about where—and indeed whether—to build these terminals.

Update 2/12/16: Sightline accessed PHMSA’s data on the Plymouth LNG accident on Jan 21, 2016. The database indicated that 14,270 barrels were spilled. We revisited the database on Feb. 11, 2016. The information had been changed to 0 barrels spilled. See comparison of the first and second data exports. We contacted PHMSA for clarification. The agency stated that their previous data was incorrectly listed as barrels, because barrels count only the “volume of liquid spilled to the ground.” PHMSA confirmed that they consider the spill to have released 14,270 MCF of gas (14,270,000 cubic feet, or 181,964 gallons in liquid form). This quantity includes evaporated LNG that will not be counted as LNG. At this time PHMSA has no plans to add volume of gas released to the data on their public display, so the publicly available data will continue to read as 0 releases from the Plymouth accident, as though nothing came out of the tank at all.

A new LNG terminal has been proposed for Tacoma, Washington. Learn more here.

Event: Climate Change Progress in Corvallis

Next week, Sightline senior researcher Kristin Eberhard will join climate leaders in Corvallis to discuss progress at the city and state levels in addressing climate change. The League of Women Voters of Corvallis and the Corvallis-Benton County Public Library will host this panel discussion, followed by an audience Q&A.

What: Progress on Climate Change: What’s Up with the City and State?

When: Tuesday, February 9, 2016, 7:00 p.m.

Where: Corvallis-Benton County Public Library, 645 NW Monroe Ave, Corvallis, OR (map)

Who:

  • Kristin Eberhard, senior researcher and energy policy analyst for Sightline Institute
  • Zach Baker of the Corvallis City Council and chair of the Climate Action Task Force
  • Brett Thomason of Renew Oregon / Oregon Climate Coalition Campaign

Hosted by: League of Women Voters of Corvallis, OR, and Corvallis-Benton County Public Library

Learn more about Oregon's plan to address climate change. Check out these 8 takeaway's from the state's Global Warming Commission report.

Weekend Reading 2/5/16

Anna

From Intellectual Take Out, via my old year-of-nothing-new gurus, the Minimalists, 15 stats that show Americans are drowning in stuff. (Can you guess how many households rent storage units or how many actually have room to park a car in their garage?)

Rural Studio architecture students are perfecting the $20K house so they are desirable to live in (total eye candy) and run “like high-performance little machines.” (And while they’re at it, they’re charting new territory in mortgages and city building codes in order to go from the drawing board to real-life construction). (P.S. Rural Studio is an undergraduate program of the School of Architecture, Planning and Landscape Architecture at Auburn University. And it’s worth checking out.)

Marc Edwards, is the guy you probably haven’t heard about who played a crucial role in bringing Flint’s water contamination crisis to the attention of the rest of the world. And he’s been appointed to the newly created “Flint Water Interagency Coordinating Committee,” tasked with finding a long-term strategy to address the water crisis. Edwards uncovered lead in the city of Washington, DC’s, water supply, leading a crusade to demand better protection for local families, spending thousands of his own money and a good share of a MacArthur Foundation genius grant he won in 2008. After getting no traction with local officials with their complaints about discolored tap water that was making them sick, Flint families found Edwards online and asked for his help. He jumped into action. This guy is a modern day super hero. (He even kind of looks like a Clark Kent.) For icing on the cake, as Washington Post reports, in his day job, “He teaches a course on ethics and heroism at Virginia Tech. He tells his students that everyone has it in them to be heroic.”

Eric

My top recommendation this week is Bloomberg reporter Noah Buhayar’s “Who Owns the Sun?” It’s a look at the emerging power struggle between Warren Buffett, owner of Nevada’s legacy utility, and Elon Musk who is upending the solar industry in the southwest.

Excellent reporting from OPB on the checkered past of the businessmen who want to build a new oil refinery in southwest Washington, and the toxic mess they abandoned at their previous venture.

How do you implode a Bakken oil rail tank car? The good folks at Mythbusters travel to eastern Oregon to undertake one of the biggest productions they’ve ever done. “It seems impossible that it could crush like a tin can,” says the narrator. Yet it’s not actually impossible.

Kristin

Want your kid to do better than you? Move to a high density city. More density equals more opportunity and greater opportunity for upward mobility.

The Supreme Court legalized demand response (cutting electricity use instead of powering up an expensive and potentially polluting power plant). Hooray!

Passive House + Low income housing = hooray for Pennsylvania!

Rich people make more of their money from “unearned income” (capital gains) compared to the rest of us who depend on “earned income” (working). Yet economists mostly ignore unearned income. Whaa…??!!

Because of gerrymandering, Ds need to win 55% of the vote to get a majority of the seats in Congress.

Keiko

There is not nearly enough low-income housing in Seattle to meet the need. Renters are on the verge of homelessness, and more than 4,500 people sleep outside across King County, a 19 percent increase over the last year. So, what can be done?! This week Mayor Ed Murray proposed a levy to fund housing projects for low-income and formerly homeless people, a principal step towards building an affordable and livable city.

Looking for Better Climate Photos? Help Is Here

Images can be powerful tools for connecting climate change to people, to strike an emotional chord, and to broaden the range of audiences who might start paying more attention.

Cue the polar bears? Think again!

Are polar bears & glaciers still your go-to #climatechange images? Pro tip: they shouldn’t be.
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Polar bears have become a handy visual signal for a climate change story, but this shorthand doesn’t cut it when it comes to gripping people and motivating action. Neither do penguins, glaciers, icebergs—that whole clutch of iconic climate imagery. Ditto: shots of rallies and protesters. They’re easily ignored. Worse: they can prompt cynicism or trigger problematic climate frames (far away, impersonal, overwhelming, “not my kind of people”) rather than connecting with the values and priorities of a wide range of audiences.

So why do these same old images still crop up all over the place? One problem is simply that better options aren’t obvious or easy to find.

Until now, that is. Climate Visuals—a project of Climate Outreach (formerly COIN), in collaboration with the Global Call for Climate Action, the University of Massachusetts, 10:10, and the Minor Foundation—has developed guidelines for better climate imagery based on extensive testing involving thousands of people in the UK, US, and Germany in 2015. They’ve also launched a first-of-its-kind, interactive, evidence-based online image library (I know! Exciting, right?).

The research is solid. The seven principles are good ones to follow, but, to be honest, I see the real value of this resource in the detailed notes you’ll find accompanying each photo, explaining why it’s powerful and the responses it’s likely to draw. In fact, browsing the library is a learning experience at every turn; you can even search for the type of response you’re after—for instance, images that evoke positive emotions or are likely to be shared or encourage demand for change.

Here are MY TOP TAKEAWAYS:

Skip photos of polar bears and protesters, and find photos that tell new climate stories.

Feature real people and human stories.

Not staged photo ops or stock photos, but shots of people that tell a real, human story. Close ups and “eye-contact” = good. Photos of children = really good, and more likely to be shared. Photos of politicians = not so good.

Surprise and contrast (and subvert) to give the familiar a new twist.

Photos that combine something easy to understand with something extraordinary—visually extreme or out of whack or even funny—grab attention and connect on an emotional level. For example, instead of a canned photo of solar panels, show a surprising new solar energy story: a child in the routine act of sweeping snow off her family’s panels. Or, the bleak yet heartwarming contrast of a young couple’s wedding day shot against the backdrop of devastating flood damage.

Bring serious impacts closer to home.

Images showing climate impacts should tell a human story. Show faces and places—and situations—that your audience will readily relate to (recognizable and local scenes, common family activities, people working together or helping one another).

Show causes at the community or industrial scale.

Photos that single out an individual in her car to illustrate climate causes can trigger defensiveness rather than engagement. It’s far better to show traffic congestion, illustrating a shared carbon pollution problem—and one that just about everybody loves to hate. Photos of the collective and industrial-scale causes of carbon pollution motivate demand for community solutions. Also emotionally compelling are photos that depict the shocking scale of fossil fuel operations, damage, and accidents.

Show a way forward. Balance imagery of impacts and causes with photos of positive, practical solutions.

Balance climate impacts and causes with photos showing solutions, especially regular people putting everyday solutions to work—and being better off for it. (Again: skip the staged celebrations of clean energy and efficiency measures. People don’t buy a contrived scene; they know authentic when they see it.) The emotional response to damage and human suffering is strong, but these images on their own can leave people feeling powerless to act. Another photo or accompanying text should offer a constructive response. Solutions spark positive emotions across the political spectrum and can help motivate action and rewrite social norms toward low-carbon behaviors and attitudes.

Journalists, campaigners, bloggers, and anyone else telling climate stories: chances are you’ll find your next climate photo (and learn a lot about what is visually compelling) at climatevisuals.org. No single photo can do it all, but this is a good reminder that the imagery associated with climate change can do a better job opening minds and emotionally engaging more people. Here’s our printable, shareable cheat sheet on Climate Visuals’ most practical takeaways:

Original image by flickr user 10:10, built on by Sightline Institute under a creative commons license with research from Climate Visuals.

Original image by flickr user 10:10, built on by Sightline Institute under a creative commons license with research from Climate Visuals.

Event: Coal and Oil Trains in the Columbia River Gorge

Next Tuesday, February 9th, Eric de Place will join leaders in the Vancouver, Washington, area for the Columbia River Gorge Commission‘s monthly public meeting. Eric de Place will speak from 12:30-1:00 PM, focusing on the threat of oil and coal trains to the Columbia River and local communities.

The Northwest is on the front lines of oil and coal transport by rail. More than a dozen new proposals have emerged in recent years to ship coal and oil to Northwest refineries and port terminals. Join us next Tuesday to learn more and be a part of the discussion. You are welcome to provide written and oral comments to the Commission at the meeting.

  • What: Eric de Place speaking at the Columbia River Gorge Commission public meeting
  • When: Tuesday, February 9, 12:30-1:00 PM
  • Where: Camas Public Library, 625 NE 4th Avenue, Camas, Washington (map)
  • Tickets: The event is free and open to the public

View the agenda here.

Five Stories To Watch in the Arch Coal Bankruptcy

.@ArchCoal’s management hopes to use bankruptcy protection to shed $4.5 billion in debt.
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In case you missed the news, Arch Coal, North America’s second largest coal company, filed for bankruptcy a few weeks back. Arch’s management hopes to use bankruptcy protection to shed $4.5 billion in debt—money that Arch borrowed from investors near the peak of the coal market but that the company can’t pay back now that coal prices have tumbled.

To anyone paying attention, Arch’s insolvency came as no surprise. The company had missed a bond interest payment in mid-December after unsuccessful negotiations with creditors. Besides, coal industry bankruptcies are now a dime a dozen: Alpha Natural Resources, the #4 coal company in the US, declared bankruptcy in August; Walter Energy declared itself insolvent in July; and Patriot Coal filed for Chapter 11 protection in October, its second filing since 2012. All told, nearly 50 US coal mining companies have filed for bankruptcy protection since the beginning of 2012.

Arch’s bankruptcy obviously highlights the dire state of the industry’s finances. But it also raises important questions about public policy, fiscal responsibility, and the fate of the coal industry itself. Here are the top five stories that I’m going to keep my eye on as the Arch Coal bankruptcy unfolds.

1. How much will the executives pay themselves for failing?

Coal industry bigwigs like to blame their troubles on Obama’s alleged “war on coal.” But in reality the blame for bankruptcy sits squarely on the shoulders of coal executives.

It was industry executives, not the Obama administration, who loaded their companies with enormous debts. It was the executives who misread the market, paying top dollar for mines when coal prices were near their peak. In short, it was the executives whose hubris and poor judgment doomed their companies.

So you might expect that coal industry executives would be the ones paying the most for their failures.

But you’d be wrong! Just look at the Alpha Natural Resources bankruptcy: over fierce union objections, a federal judge recently approved an executive bonus package worth up to $12 million to the same management team that steered the company into the ditch. Even Alpha’s ex-CEO excoriated the bonus package, saying it didn’t represent “the values the company was built on.” But apparently, the current executives hold to different values and see bankruptcy as yet another opportunity get rich.

Now, as Arch’s bankruptcy proceeds, we should all keep a sharp eye out for how much the company’s executive team decides to pay itself for squandering investors’ money.

2. How badly will workers get hurt?

Bankruptcy courts often let insolvent companies curtail expenses by shredding labor contracts and slashing retiree benefits. That’s exactly what’s happened in the Alpha bankruptcy, where executives have asked the court for permission to cut health and life insurance benefits for 4,500 retirees, while making 6,670 current employees ineligible for those benefits in the future.

So far, Arch hasn’t announced significant layoffs or disruptions to pensions. But as the bankruptcy proceeds, we’ll have to see whether it’ll remain so generous.

Like what you're reading? Find out why coal prices have continued to sink.

3. How much money will Arch set aside to clean up its mines?

Bankruptcy courts have allowed Arch to continue to mine despite setting aside only $75 million to cover its $458 million in self-bonded cleanup obligations.
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US law requires coal companies to put up financial guarantees ensuring that they can clean up their played-out mines. Without those assurances, bankrupt coal companies could leave massive scars on the landscape, saddling states with billions of dollars in mine rehabilitation costs.

Yet several giant coal companies have exploited a loophole called “self-bonding” to avoid setting aside cleanup money. Self-bonding was designed for companies in excellent financial health—firms for which bankruptcy was unthinkable. Big coal conglomerates, however, have played shell games with their finances, establishing subsidiaries that seemed healthy enough to self-bond, even as the parent corporations slid towards insolvency.

Arch Coal played these games masterfully. In Wyoming, Arch self-bonded through a corporate subsidiary that owned many of Arch’s western mines, but held very little of the company’s debt. With plenty of assets and few liabilities, the subsidiary’s balance sheet appeared in tip-top shape. But when Arch’s parent corporation descended into the financial abyss, it pulled its allegedly “healthy” self-bonded subsidiary into bankruptcy with it.

Pliant state and federal regulators who turned a blind eye to these financial shenanigans now are paying for their lax oversight: Arch Coal simply doesn’t have enough money to replace its self-bonds with real cleanup guarantees. Worse, bankruptcy courts have allowed Arch to continue to mine despite setting aside only $75 million to cover its $458 million in self-bonded cleanup obligations. Federal mining overseers recently ordered Wyoming to explain how the state has allowed coal companies to mine without proper cleanup bonds. But that oversight came far too late; if the feds had wanted to guarantee that Arch had the money to guarantee cleanup, they should have acted before the company slid into bankruptcy.

It’s now anyone’s guess how the bankruptcy court will deal with the cleanup funding shortfalls. Whatever the court decides, there will be huge implications for state fiscal policy, for the financial health of the company that emerges from bankruptcy, and, of course, for landowners near Arch’s mines, who will pay a huge price if the company can’t clean up its messes.

An Explainer: Coal Mine Cleanup and "Self-Bonds."

4. How will insolvency affect Arch’s business partners?

On the very first day of its bankruptcy, Arch asked the court for permission to tear up its contracts with its shipping partners, including the BNSF railroad, the Ridley coal terminal in British Columbia, and energy transportation giant Kinder Morgan.

The news came at a terrible time for the shipping companies, who’d counted on the Arch contracts to give some certainty in the midst of a coal shipping slump. Now, Kinder Morgan stands to lose “hundreds of millions” from the canceled contracts, while the struggling Ridley coal terminal, already suffering through a devastating financial collapse, will lose “millions.” The market has already dinged Kinder Morgan on the news, and BNSF recently announced deep cuts to capital expenditures due to slumping rail volumes and faltering revenues. I’ll definitely be keeping an eye on Ridley’s financial statements, to see how Arch’s decision affects the terminal’s already dismal finances.

5. How will Arch’s bankruptcy affect other coal companies?

Perhaps the biggest unknown of all is how Arch’s bankruptcy will affect its peers, both solvent and insolvent.

On the one hand, bankruptcy could allow Arch to shutter its least profitable mines, reducing the oversupply that’s pushed North American coal prices so low. On the other hand, Arch may well emerge from insolvency as a leaner competitor with lower labor costs and less debt. The balance between these two forces—lower production vs. a leaner and meaner company—will determine how Arch’s insolvency will affect its competitors.

Other companies will certainly be hoping that Arch sees bankruptcy as an opportunity to reduce production. That’s what Alpha, Walter, and Patriot did. Because shuttering unprofitable mines can be even more expensive than keeping them open, these companies couldn’t even contemplate closing mines while they were struggling to service their debts. But the protection of bankruptcy gave them the breathing room to shut down money-losing operations.

Arch, however, has signaled that even though the company is insolvent, it has no plans to shutter any mines. Executives apparently think that once they shed their debts, their coal operations will be on solid ground. In fact, while Arch thinks that 2016 will be an off year, it projects its coal sales to increase by 10 million tons in 2017.

That forecast is undoubtedly optimistic. Nonetheless, Arch’s plan to force more coal into an oversupplied market has left competitors shaking in their boots. Coal baron Bob Murray has complained that every new coal industry bankruptcy “depresses the value of the debts of all coal producers, including those who are financially surviving, and pushes them downward toward economic default.” Further, he thinks bankruptcy can allow companies to keep marginal mines open: “production does not decline, prices are depressed, and every coal company is dangerously threatened or pulled into this downward financial spiral.”

Murray, of course, has his own agenda, which includes convincing cash-strapped states to cut taxes on coal. Still, it will be very interesting to see whether Arch’s insolvency ultimately pulls other coal companies underwater as well.

Coal industry bankruptcies: What hangs in the balance?

Much of the press coverage of Arch’s bankruptcy will look at the biggest of pictures: the decline of the industrial revolution’s first fossil fuel and the slow, piecemeal transition to cleaner power. Still other press accounts will take a microscope to courtroom maneuverings and legal minutiae.

Yet some of the most important stories lie somewhere in between the forest and the trees. At that resolution, if you peer through the legal fog of bankruptcy, you can see a morality play coalescing: a drama illustrating how the bankruptcy process—and its imperative for reviving a financial corpse into a viable company—can grind away at both human compassion and obligations to our natural heritage.

In my view, a responsible bankruptcy process would favor workers and retirees over executives. It would ensure that coal companies paid to clean up their messes before paying out investors. And it would help our communities effect a fair and orderly transition to the new economic reality of radically lower demand for coal. But as recent history shows, bankruptcy can be anything but responsible. We may well see executives enrich themselves at the expense of the workers who made them rich; we may see courts setting aside money for investors even as they shortchange communities coping with a scarred landscape; and we may see continued chaos and uncertainty for entire sectors of the economy, unsure of how, and how fast, to adjust to change.

The way that these unheralded, often-overlooked stories play out will determine whether Arch’s bankruptcy turns into a force for constructive change, or just another sad chapter in the history of a dying industry. Those are the stories that I’ll be keeping my eye on.

Find more articles on Arch Coal here.

Poll: African-Americans Ahead on Climate Change

It’s the same old song and dance. Whenever and wherever a climate policy solution is proposed, the fossil fuel industry and its allies and front groups target people of color and low-income families with scary messages about energy costs.

They have been singing the same tune to rural communities and working class families in Washington and Oregon. It’s constant background music for vulnerable communities in California as oil companies attempt to undercut and villainize AB32, a policy that put the kibosh on their free lunch while investing in efficiency, clean energy, transit, and support for frontline communities. And the lyrics have been the same when they target African-American and Latino communities in response to Obama Administration climate and energy policies, including the Clean Power Plan.

But I ask you: since when has Big Oil been a credible voice for black and Latino and low-income Americans?

That’s right: since never.

And, polling shows that most Latino and African-American voters aren’t buying it. As I’ve written before, Latino opinion on climate change outpaces the general US voter population, and a recent Green for All and Natural Resources Defense Council (NRDC) survey found that African-American voters are out ahead of white voters when it comes to concern about the problem and support for climate solutions.

Serious problem, serious about solutions

Since when has Big Oil been a credible voice for black or Latino or low-income Americans? That’s right: since never.
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Indeed, 83 percent of African-American voters support the Clean Power Plan (63 percent strongly and 20 percent somewhat), compared to 60 percent total support among US registered voters on the whole (PDF)—among whom strong support is 27 percent. Eighty-two percent of African-American voters back the idea of states developing clean energy plans that help cut carbon pollution, improve energy efficiency, and boost renewable energy.

NRDC/Green for All found that three in five African-Americans see global warming as a serious problem (extremely or very serious). This is on par with the general population of American voters: an ABC News/Washington Post poll (PDF) taken around the same time found that 63 percent of Americans on the whole see climate change as a serious issue, with 52 percent saying it’s very serious. But people of color appear to be boosting the average significantly: that survey found that 56 percent of white voters see climate change as a serious problem (46 percent very serious), while 78 percent of non-white voters see it as serious (63 percent very serious).

Seeing clean energy opportunities—not costs

Fears trumped up by the oil and coal industries about jobs and costs do not align with the prevailing views of the African-American voters they’ve targeted. This research indicates that African-American voters are optimistic about the economic opportunities of transitioning to cleaner energy sources and are willing to increase their energy bills to make that transition a reality.

A healthy majority, 66 percent, of African-Americans say using more renewable energy will translate into new jobs, while only 11 percent expect job losses. Compare that finding to a Morning Consult poll that found only one-third of Americans on the whole think the Clean Power Plan will generate jobs, 23 percent said there’d be no impact on jobs, and 28 percent predicted job losses.

Similarly, more than half (57 percent) of African-Americans surveyed believe that shifting to cleaner energy will reduce their energy costs, and only 18 percent thought it would increase those electricity bills. The Morning Consult poll found that 42 percent of all Americans believe their utility costs would increase under the Clean Power Plan, 23 percent foresee no change in costs, and just 19 percent believe the action would lower utility prices.

Nearly two-thirds of African-American voters actually say they would be willing to pay more on their monthly electrical bill in order to ensure that more of their energy is coming from clean and renewable sources. In fact, nearly half (49 percent) are willing to pay as much as five dollars more per month. Based on a similar question polled around the same time, a slightly smaller share—55 percent—of the voting population on the whole have indicated they’d be willing to pay more.

When it comes to renewable energy sources, Americans are broadly in favor, but African-Americans are again ahead of the pack. While Gallup finds that 79 percent of American voters want more emphasis on solar, 87 percent of African-American voters support using more solar. Ditto wind power: 70 percent of Americans on the whole favor more wind power, and 83 percent of African-American voters do.

One place where African-American voters lag the general population on climate: 42 percent of African-American voters favor getting more power from coal, while just 28 percent of American voters combined agree.

Through all that industry smoke, a powerful call to action

Though you might not know it from the way pollsters talk, there’s obviously no such thing as a monolithic African-American community, but when it comes to climate change, the numbers indicate that Black voters make up a demographic in the US that gets it.

68% of US African-Americans live within 30 miles of a coal-fired power plant, and black Americans’ rates of childhood asthma increased 50% from 2001-2009.
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There’s lots of speculation about why this is so. Natural affinity with the mainstream environmental movement can pretty much be ruled out, unfortunately—though there’s ample potential there for groups joining forces and gaining strength. It’s also largely a function of political party: African-Americans are far more likely to be Democrats.

Lived experience certainly plays into political attitudes about the necessity and urgency of solutions as well. African-Americans across the US disproportionately shoulder the effects of coal and other dirty energy pollution. Sixty-eight percent of African-Americans live within 30 miles of a coal-fired power plant, and rates of childhood asthma among black children increased a whopping 50 percent between 2001 and 2009. As NRDC’s Adrianna Quintero points out, African-Americans were 20 percent more likely to have asthma than non-Hispanic whites in 2012. Worse yet, in 2013, African-Americans were three times more likely to die from asthma-related causes than the white population. These are families on the frontlines, where solutions aren’t just about their kids’ future, but their kids right now.

That urgency, our moral duty to act, and calls to hold polluters accountable have been sounded loud and clear by numerous African-American leaders who have voiced their support for the Clean Power Plan. Here are the Rev. Dr. Otis Moss, III, Senior Pastor of Trinity United Church of Christ in Chicago, IL, and economist Dr. Julianne Malveaux, writing last month in the Atlanta Daily World:

Contrary to big polluters who deny it, climate change is real. The cost of neglect is real and incredibly high, for African-Americans…. The opposition to President Obama’s Clean Power Plan is well-funded and well-organized.  Over the last few years, hundreds of thousands of dollars have been poured into a campaign to convince the public and more specifically the African-American community that the President’s plan is a job killer and will only increase black folks’ electricity bills. This accusation is once again an attempt to muddy the waters and bamboozle our community.  An overwhelming majority of African-Americans recognize that our communities suffer a greater burden from air pollution and climate change than the population at large. Many of us even live on the front lines of environmental hazard and harm. And we demand a better future for our children and grandchildren.

As Green for All founder Van Jones put it, “Dirty energy companies are using the [National Black Chamber of Commerce] to push out junk science and junk economics in order to try to turn communities of color against the most important clean air protections of our generation. They ought to be ashamed.” (DeSmogBlog follows fossil fuel money to national African-American groups). Big Oil should listen up. Even with the Congressional Black Caucus and industry-backed organizations echoing the messages of the fossil fuel industry, this research indicates that Black voters see right through it to the benefits and opportunities of equitable climate and energy solutions.

Want more? Another recent poll found that registered Latino voters care deeply about climate change. Read here.